Charting Putin’s Shifting Populism in the Russian Media from 2000 to 2020

Abstract

This article analyses the changing themes of Vladimir Putin’s populist messaging during his almost 20 years at the apex of Russian politics. To reveal shifts in Putin’s populist rhetoric, the article examines Russian media framing of his four presidential-election campaigns and of Russia’s relations with China and the United States (U.S.). Public opinion data is used to assess the impact of Putin’s populist propaganda. The article begins by assessing to what degree Putin can be considered a populist politician, concluding that while his rhetoric is populist his rule is largely not. The article further finds that Putin has maintained his populist appeal by turning his ire from domestic economic elites to international political enemies, specifically by positioning himself as the main challenger to U.S. hegemony in the global system. Putin’s control of the Russian media, co-opting of opposition populist causes and geopolitical victories in Syria and Crimea have helped him maintain his populist connection with Russian voters. But, the article concludes, growing access to anti-Kremlin online media, the pain of economic sanctions, botched social welfare reforms, and the presence of effective opposition movements are causing Putin’s populism to lose its lustre.

On the Intersection of Leadership and Populism in North America and Europe

“…Burrett argues that a key element to his leadership success lies in Putin's capacity to shift his populist discourse from its original focus on domestic "enemies" toward international ones, along with a growing emphasis on the West's "otherness." She concludes Putin's leadership fits most closely with discursive descriptions of populism, although there is evidence he has become less populist and more nationalist over time (Burrett, 2020).…”

A Responsibility to Whom? Populism and Its Effects on Corporate Social Responsibility

“…This priority has been evidenced in populist leaders from right-wing demagogues such as Donald Trump, riding to power on a wave of protectionist and anti-trade sentiment, to left-wing stalwarts such as Jacinda Ardern in New Zealand, who only became Prime Minister by courting the xenophobic and anti-immigrant "New Zealand First" party of her (future) Deputy Prime Minister Winston Peters (C. Johnson et al, 2005). Moreover, this emphasis on anti-globalization has not been limited to democracies, with "authoritarian populism" also a defining feature of the former Soviet Union (Busygina, 2019;Eke & Kuzio, 2000), including Putin's Russia (Burrett, 2020;Lassila, 2016;Robinson & Milne, 2017), and present even in the world's largest autocracy, Communist China (Devinney & Hartwell, 2020;H. Li, 2021).…”

“…Johnson et al, 2005). Moreover, this emphasis on anti-globalization has not been limited to democracies, with “authoritarian populism” also a defining feature of the former Soviet Union (Busygina, 2019; Eke & Kuzio, 2000), including Putin’s Russia (Burrett, 2020; Lassila, 2016; Robinson & Milne, 2017), and present even in the world’s largest autocracy, Communist China (Devinney & Hartwell, 2020; H. Li, 2021).…”

Populists and the Pandemic

“…Propaganda commonly highlights Putin's heroic ( obviously staged) stunts, such as hang gliding with cranes, saving a TV crew from a tiger, or diving to the bottom of the sea to recover ancient amphoras. A recent study suggests that Putin regularly relied on populist rhetoric when managing terrorist attacks or challenging US global power ( Burrett 2020). Putin's populist appeals intensified in the 2010s in response to the growing liberal opposition to his regime, which after two decades in power was facing a stagnating economy, rampant corruption, low trust, and dwindling legitimacy.…”