“…Here, the complaints of students in our study strongly resembled those of the Danish students interviewed by Nielsen and Sarauw (2017) and Sarauw and Madsen (2020); the participants in these studies are described as viewing changes implemented as a result of the Danish Study Progress Reform as restricting their possibilities for learning, impoverishing their experience as students.…”
Section: Enthusiastic and Driven Learners: Students' Own Perspectivessupporting
confidence: 61%
“…In the wider European context, increasing the 'employability' of students has also constituted a key focus of the Bologna Process and informed various national-level policies (Stiwne and Alves, 2010). Within Denmark, for example, Nielsen and Sarauw (2017) have argued that there has been a growing demand on the part of policymakers that students 'focus on and work towards their future employability from the day they enrol at the university' (p 162) and move through their studies quickly to enable prompt labour market entry.…”
Section: Future Workermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Study Progress Reform, also implemented in 2014, aimed to increase the pace at which students progressed through their degree programmes. It made use of a key feature of the Bologna Process reforms, namely the European Credit Transfer System (ECTS) -an ostensibly neutral means of measuring a course's workload -to accomplish the country's own objectives, namely reducing the cost of education (incurred by the state) and ensuring that students enter the labour market quickly (Nielsen and Sarauw, 2017;Sarauw and Madsen, 2020). These objectives are in part achieved through regulating duration of study.…”
Section: Denmarkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Alongside this, a modularised and competence-based curriculum has been introduced to promote the future employability of students, and students have been encouraged not to assume that they will automatically progress to a master's degree (as has been the case in the past). Empirical examinations of the impact of these reforms have suggested that students feel they are sometimes restricted to a superficial and instrumental engagement with their studies, choosing 'safe routes' through their studies, to maximise their chances of passing their exams and completing their studies in the required time (Nielsen and Sarauw, 2017;Sarauw and Madsen, 2020). Moreover, there is often a poor match between how 'study time' is understood within policy and by students themselves (Ulriksen and Nejrup, 2021).…”
all of whom have made important contributions to the project. We are particularly indebted to Jessie Abrahams, for her sterling work as part of the research team between 2016 and 2018.We are also grateful to those who read drafts of chapters and gave extremely useful feedback:
“…Here, the complaints of students in our study strongly resembled those of the Danish students interviewed by Nielsen and Sarauw (2017) and Sarauw and Madsen (2020); the participants in these studies are described as viewing changes implemented as a result of the Danish Study Progress Reform as restricting their possibilities for learning, impoverishing their experience as students.…”
Section: Enthusiastic and Driven Learners: Students' Own Perspectivessupporting
confidence: 61%
“…In the wider European context, increasing the 'employability' of students has also constituted a key focus of the Bologna Process and informed various national-level policies (Stiwne and Alves, 2010). Within Denmark, for example, Nielsen and Sarauw (2017) have argued that there has been a growing demand on the part of policymakers that students 'focus on and work towards their future employability from the day they enrol at the university' (p 162) and move through their studies quickly to enable prompt labour market entry.…”
Section: Future Workermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Study Progress Reform, also implemented in 2014, aimed to increase the pace at which students progressed through their degree programmes. It made use of a key feature of the Bologna Process reforms, namely the European Credit Transfer System (ECTS) -an ostensibly neutral means of measuring a course's workload -to accomplish the country's own objectives, namely reducing the cost of education (incurred by the state) and ensuring that students enter the labour market quickly (Nielsen and Sarauw, 2017;Sarauw and Madsen, 2020). These objectives are in part achieved through regulating duration of study.…”
Section: Denmarkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Alongside this, a modularised and competence-based curriculum has been introduced to promote the future employability of students, and students have been encouraged not to assume that they will automatically progress to a master's degree (as has been the case in the past). Empirical examinations of the impact of these reforms have suggested that students feel they are sometimes restricted to a superficial and instrumental engagement with their studies, choosing 'safe routes' through their studies, to maximise their chances of passing their exams and completing their studies in the required time (Nielsen and Sarauw, 2017;Sarauw and Madsen, 2020). Moreover, there is often a poor match between how 'study time' is understood within policy and by students themselves (Ulriksen and Nejrup, 2021).…”
all of whom have made important contributions to the project. We are particularly indebted to Jessie Abrahams, for her sterling work as part of the research team between 2016 and 2018.We are also grateful to those who read drafts of chapters and gave extremely useful feedback:
“…Other scholars have investigated the ways in which students are conceptualised by social actors such as policymakers, the media and the population at large. Within policy, students are increasingly positioned as 'future workers' -as a consequence, it is argued, of the primary purpose of HE coming to be seen by politicians and policymakers as labour market preparation (McArthur 2011;Nielsen and Sarauw 2017;Patfield, Gore, and Fray 2021). Dominant policy constructions do, to some extent, however, differ by nation-state.…”
There is a growing body of scholarship on how students see themselves, and also on how they are conceptualised by other social actors. However, what has been less explored is how students believe they are seen by others, and how this impacts them. Drawing on focus groups with students across Europe -and particularly plasticine models students made to depict how they felt they were seen by relevant others -this paper will illustrate how the four most common ways in which students felt they were constructed were as hedonistic and lazy; useless and a burden; clever, hardworking, and successful; and a resource to be exploited. It will argue that such stereotypes had significant material impact on students' lives and how they experienced being a student. Finally, it will analyse how specific national contexts accounted for a range of variations in how students articulated these constructions.
This paper examines whether the implementation of the Bologna bachelor’s + master’s structure has been followed by an increase of university students from under-represented groups, and whether the Bologna structure has been accompanied by new forms of student mobility between Danish university institutions. Looking at student movements from bachelor’s to master’s degrees from 1993 to 2011, I do not find that the implementation of the Bologna structure has been followed by changes in the inclusion of under-represented groups. The social gap in progression to master’s degrees remained small and constant across the period. However, the formal instalment of a new transition point in the Danish university system (from bachelor’s to master’s) has provided bachelor’s degree holders with the opportunity to flee less lucrative fields of study and less prestigious institutions, and they increasingly do so. I discuss the implications of these movements in the light of the aim to make higher education more inclusive.
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