“…In addition, using 1997 NLSY cohort data, Dey and Pierret () found that although 90% of young adults had moved out of their parents' homes for at least 3 months by age 27, 55% had also moved back home by the same age. These findings mirror earlier studies, which estimated that approximately 40% to 50% of young adults returned home after their initial departures (Aquilino, ; Goldscheider & Goldscheider, ; Swartz, ).…”
Section: Introductionsupporting
confidence: 89%
“…Many of these young adults no longer engage in a linear progression through major life course transitions, such as leaving the parental home, obtaining a full‐time job, marrying, and having children of their own (Sironi & Furstenberg, ). Instead, the transition to adulthood and independence has lengthened with increased education, housing, and transportation costs (Furstenberg, ; Goldscheider & Goldscheider, , ; Swartz, , ). These trends are also associated with the spread of economic insecurity, which refers to the "risk of economic loss faced by workers and households as they encounter the unpredictable events of social life" (Western, Bloom, Sosnaud, & Tach, , p. 342).…”
investigate how coresidence with adult children influences asset levels among parents. It applies hybrid mixed effects regression models that partition between-and within-person variation to estimate parental savings and financial assets over time and across different households. The results suggest that coresidence with adult children led to decreases in parental assets and savings. In the years in which their children lived at home, parents held 24% less in financial assets and 23% less in savings when compared with the years when adult children were not present. By expanding previous research that shows a relationship between increasing economic insecurity, limited wealth, and the rise in coresidence among young adults, this study also offers broader implications for the interconnectivity of financial hardship across generations.In recent decades, changing norms and expectations, as well as higher levels of economic insecurity, have elongated the transition to adulthood, with younger adults now passing certain milestones such as marriage and homeownership at much later ages than their parents
“…In addition, using 1997 NLSY cohort data, Dey and Pierret () found that although 90% of young adults had moved out of their parents' homes for at least 3 months by age 27, 55% had also moved back home by the same age. These findings mirror earlier studies, which estimated that approximately 40% to 50% of young adults returned home after their initial departures (Aquilino, ; Goldscheider & Goldscheider, ; Swartz, ).…”
Section: Introductionsupporting
confidence: 89%
“…Many of these young adults no longer engage in a linear progression through major life course transitions, such as leaving the parental home, obtaining a full‐time job, marrying, and having children of their own (Sironi & Furstenberg, ). Instead, the transition to adulthood and independence has lengthened with increased education, housing, and transportation costs (Furstenberg, ; Goldscheider & Goldscheider, , ; Swartz, , ). These trends are also associated with the spread of economic insecurity, which refers to the "risk of economic loss faced by workers and households as they encounter the unpredictable events of social life" (Western, Bloom, Sosnaud, & Tach, , p. 342).…”
investigate how coresidence with adult children influences asset levels among parents. It applies hybrid mixed effects regression models that partition between-and within-person variation to estimate parental savings and financial assets over time and across different households. The results suggest that coresidence with adult children led to decreases in parental assets and savings. In the years in which their children lived at home, parents held 24% less in financial assets and 23% less in savings when compared with the years when adult children were not present. By expanding previous research that shows a relationship between increasing economic insecurity, limited wealth, and the rise in coresidence among young adults, this study also offers broader implications for the interconnectivity of financial hardship across generations.In recent decades, changing norms and expectations, as well as higher levels of economic insecurity, have elongated the transition to adulthood, with younger adults now passing certain milestones such as marriage and homeownership at much later ages than their parents
“…This occurrence actually strengthens the case for ascribing changes to changes in leaving home and union formation/dissolution. During that decade, the average age of leaving parental home increased and the proportion returning to parental home increased, because of the increase in housing prices and improved standards of living in the parental home (Goldscheider et al, 1999). Similarly, the divorce rate has declined since the early 1980s (Bianchi & Casper, 2000); given that most divorces happen among young couples below aged 30, this trend counteracts the effects of later marriage.…”
Section: A New Approach-the Size/age-specific Headship Rates Modelmentioning
Summary
Household projections are key components of analyses of several issues of social concern, including the welfare of the elderly, housing, and environmentally significant consumption patterns. Researchers or policy makers that use such projections need appropriate representations of uncertainty in order to inform their analyses. However, the weaknesses of the traditional approach of providing alternative variants to single “best guess” projection are magnified in household projections, which have many output variables of interest, and many input variables beyond fertility, mortality, and migration. We review current methods of household projections and the potential for using them to produce probabilistic projections, which would address many of these weaknesses. We then propose a new framework for a household projection method of intermediate complexity that we believe is a good candidate for providing a basis for further development of probabilistic household projections. An extension of the traditional headship rate approach, this method is based on modelling changes in headship rates decomposed by household size as a function of variables describing demographic events such as parity specific fertility, union formation and dissolution, and leaving home. It has moderate data requirements, manageable complexity, allows for direct specification of demographic events, and produces output that includes the most important household characteristics for many applications. An illustration of how such a model might be constructed, using data on the U.S. and China over the past several decades, demonstrates the viability of the approach.
“…These implementation advantages arise primarily from the separation of the imputation step from the target, post-imputation analysis. Successful early adoptions of MI in sociology and demography include studies by Freedman and Wolf (1995), Goldscheider et al (1999), and Sassler and McNally (2003).…”
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