Challenges and pitfalls for workplace unionism in a restructured public service

Abstract

In the context of restructuring that has swept across Europe in recent years, this article discusses the conditions of workplace unionism resilience in a small, predominantly female UK public service occupation – probation. Using both quantitative and qualitative data, the article offers comprehensive insights into members’ expectations towards their union branches and provides evidence of even more accountable and responsive relationships between local reps and their members following restructuring. Factors that contributed to the resilience of the union included the influence of a shared occupational identity, the legacy of large and confident branches and the (gender) democratic tradition of the union. However, the research also highlights some limitations for the permanence of effective workplace unionism in a context of socio-demographic changes as well as organizational difficulties linked to the restructuring and outsourcing process.

Women's Participation in a Radical Trade Union Movement That Claims to be Feminist

“…Their small size (Kirton ), the focus on workplace unionism and internal democracy (Greene et al . ; Guillaume and Kirton ) and the rejection of full‐time activists provide space for women's participation. The over‐representation of SUD unions in the public sector and privatized public companies also facilitates women's involvement by providing full‐time permanent jobs and union rights.…”

“…However, some biographical contexts, such as being married and having children, can provide social support for activism and keep people engaged over time (Corrigall-Brown 2012). Besides, research has shown that having knowledge and education is critical for explaining political (Wilkes 2004) and union activism, especially for women (Guillaume and Pochic 2012). Alongside individual resources, previous research has emphasized the role of groups/organizations in creating incentives (or not) for activists to maintain their commitment, notably by contributing to the ongoing creation of gender, class and racial inequalities.…”

“…Research on women's union representation has argued for contextually/historically grounded analysis (Kirton 2018;Milkman 2016) as a means of understanding the structure and dynamics of unions' 'inequality regimes', defined as the 'interlocked practices and processes that result in continuing inequalities in all work organizations' (Acker 2006). Various factors should be taken into account, it is argued; they include size (Kirton 2018) and the period of foundation (Milkman 2016), a union's capacity to foster collectivism rooted in occupational community (Saundry and McKeown 2013;Sayce et al 2006) and professional identity (Guillaume and Pochic 2011), the presence and type of gender equality strategies, whether liberal or radical (Jewson and Mason 1986) and women's agency (Briskin 2006). Although feminist historical research has criticized the union movement's tendency to thrive on exclusionary solidarity (Milkman 1990) and to subordinate gender to class concerns (Cockburn 1983), the role of class ideology in women's under-representation by/in contemporary unions has, with a few exceptions, been neglected, (Dean 2015).…”

Work, employment and engagement conditions in a female‐dominated public service occupation after restructuring/outsourcing

“…However, this was proving a struggle in the turbulent post‐TR environment. The state of uncertainty about work and employment conditions was so high that branch officers had to work overtime to advise members and reassure them, particularly because the spread of workplace union officers across the two structures was uneven and unstable after TR, thereby creating a challenge for effective workplace representation (Guillaume and Kirton, ):

From the union point of view, it's been very tricky … in most branches most of the activists were probation officers and most of them are now in the NPS. Some branches have been left with virtually no activists in the CRC.

…”

“…Besides, unions' ability to preserve local and national collective bargaining levers, including negotiation (and not only consultation) on issues that particularly matter to women, such as flexible working time, part‐time work and geographical mobility, seem to be weakened, at least in the privatised sector (Guillaume and Kirton, ).…”