Case variation in Gothic absolute constructions

Dewey, Tonya Kim; Syed, Yasmin

doi:10.1075/slcs.108.03dew

Cited by 3 publications

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“…18An anonymous reviewer points out that this is not an isolated occurrence of Gothic inserting material to clarify or disambiguate the Greek: see Eythórsson 1995:158–159 and Dewey & Syed 2009:15.…”

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Gothic possessives, adjectives, and other modifiers in-ata

Ratkus

2015

J Ger Ling

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The paradigm of some possessive pronouns, adjectives, and some other modifiers in Gothic contains an instance of morphological variation in the neuter nominative and accusative singular, where the bare stem of the modifier alternates with the pronominally inflected form in -ata (for example, jugg versus juggata ‘young’). In an effort to account for this morphological variation, this paper examines the evidence for the competition between the bare stem and inflected forms in -ata attested in the Gothic New Testament. Further, it assesses the synchronic and diachronic implications of the variation with a view to gaining a better understanding of the development of the Germanic strong modifier inflection. It demonstrates that -ata is a stylistically charged form observed in specific contexts and grammatical environments. From a diachronic point of view, the evidence of -ata sheds light on the development of the Germanic strong modifier inflection, pointing toward a lexical diffusion-type development, with the inflection of demonstrative pronouns spreading across the lexicon of modifiers through possessive pronouns and quantifiers to adjectives and participles.*

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confidence: 99%

Gothic possessives, adjectives, and other modifiers in-ata

Ratkus

2015

J Ger Ling

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Case in Germanic

McFadden¹

2020

The Cambridge Handbook of Germanic Linguistics

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The decline of non-finiteness as a syntactic mechanism for embedding in East Slavic

Madariaga

2015

JHL

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This article focuses on how and why non-finite structures weakened as a productive device for embedding in East Slavic and became replaced by an alternative system of finite CPs in many syntactic contexts. The relevant structures analyzed here are infinitive clauses and participial (absolute) constructions. Both constructions were available in almost any embedded context in early Slavic (Old Church Slavonic and Old Russian). However, in later stages (Middle Russian and Modern Russian) embedded infinitive constructions became severely restricted, while absolute constructions disappeared altogether. In order to account for this change, I review a series of conditions that preceded the decline process analyzed here and propose a final trigger for the emergence of a new system of non-finiteness in modern Russian; namely, I explore the possibility that the change in the pro-drop character of Russian turned embedded infinitive clauses into Obligatory Control structures, and forced every other non-finite structure to be replaced by an alternative (finite) embedding device.

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Case variation in Gothic absolute constructions

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Gothic possessives, adjectives, and other modifiers in-ata

Gothic possessives, adjectives, and other modifiers in-ata

Case in Germanic

The decline of non-finiteness as a syntactic mechanism for embedding in East Slavic

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