Caring, Cooking, Cleaning – repräsentative Zeitverwendungsmuster von Eltern in Paarbeziehungen

Klünder, Nina; Meier-Gräwe, Uta

doi:10.3224/zff.v30i1.02

Cited by 17 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…Shopping for food clearly has cognitive labor overhead, which can be large. However, drawing on previous scholarship, we assume that this overhead is very gendered and detached from the physical labor, which can lead to wrong attribution of the load (Klünder and Meier-Gräwe 2018).…”

Section: Division Of Cognitive Labormentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Across all developed nations, gender disparities in labor market participation and pay are inherently tied to the unequal division of household labor-a set of tasks associated with household maintenance and child rearing (Schober 2013;Lachance-Grzela and Bouchard 2010). Studies consistently find that women carry disproportionally high share of these tasks, even in the most egalitarian households and contexts (Klünder and Meier-Gräwe 2018;Moreno-Colom 2017). This unequal division of household tasks constrain the availability of women for paid work, decreases their earnings, and enhances intentional and unintentional discrimination against mothers in the labor marker (Budig and Hodges 2010;Correll, Benard, and Paik 2007;Mandel and Semyonov 2005;Thébaud 2010;Matteazzi and Scherer 2020;Steiber and Haas 2018).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Gendered Division of Cognitive Household Labor, Mental Load, and Family-Work Conflict in European Countries

Haupt¹,

Gelbgiser²

2022

Preprint

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The unequal division of cognitive labor within the household and its potential association with mental load gained substantial interest in recent academic and popular discussions. Here, we aim to deepen this debate theoretically and empirically. First, we connect the debate about cognitive household labor with existing stress theories, which enables us to reflect, which types of cognitive labor are especially stressful. We then discuss, whether women perform these types more often, making them more prone to experience higher levels of exhaustion because of household labor. Thus, we go beyond the question, whether the division cognitive labor is gendered and ask in addition whether men and women typically perform cognitive labor that are differently stressful. Second, we offer a quantitative measure of cognitive labor and analyze the gendered association between the division of cognitive labor in the household and exhaustion using large-scale survey data from seven European countries within the Generations & Gender Program (GGP). Our results confirm that a high share of cognitive labor with households is especially detrimental for women but not for men. Unequal division of physical labor, by contrast, does not have similar negative effects on women’s exhaustion. We use these analyses to discuss future directions in the conceptualization and measurement of cognitive labor in the household and its implications for mental load. In doing so, this paper lays the foundations for a comprehensive data-driven understanding of the implications of unequal division of cognitive labor in the household for gender inequality.

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Section: Division Of Cognitive Labormentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Gendered Division of Cognitive Household Labor, Mental Load, and Family-Work Conflict in European Countries

Haupt¹,

Gelbgiser²

2022

Preprint

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“…Studien zeigen, dass Väter, die Elternzeit genommen haben, ihre Zeiten für Hausarbeit und Kindererziehung in der Folge erhöhen (Bünning 2016 ; Schober und Zoch 2019 ; Tamm 2019 ). Klünder und Meier-Gräwe ( 2018 ) zeigen allerdings auf der Basis von Zeitverwendungsdaten, dass Care-Arbeit von Eltern unabhängig vom Erwerbsumfang der Frau nach wie vor geschlechtsdifferenzierend aufgeteilt und stärker von Müttern als von Vätern geleistet wird. In die gleiche Richtung weisen die Befunde von Hobler et al.…”

Section: Diskussion Und Schlussbetrachtungunclassified

Kind – und dann? Wandel partnerschaftlicher Erwerbsverläufe drei Jahre nach dem Übergang in die Elternschaft

2022

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ZusammenfassungDer Übergang in die Elternschaft markiert für viele Elternpaare den Übergang in geschlechterspezifische Erwerbsarrangements, oft unabhängig von der gelebten vorgeburtlichen Arbeitsteilung. Dabei können die Entscheidungen über die Erwerbsarrangements nach der Geburt des ersten Kindes richtungsgebend für die zukünftigen Erwerbsverläufe und Alterssicherung sein. Vor diesem Hintergrund fokussiert der Beitrag auf zwei Fragen: erstens, ob sich gerade für jüngere Elternpaare der in den 1980er-Jahren Geborenen eine Konvergenz in den Erwerbsverläufen nach dem Übergang in die Elternschaft im Vergleich zu den in den 1970er-Jahren geborenen Elternpaaren zeigt und zweitens, ob die Arbeitsteilung vor dem Übergang in die Elternschaft eine zunehmende Rolle für die Erwerbskonstellationen danach spielt. Unter Verwendung der Daten des Sozio-oekonomischen Panels (SOEP) werden anhand sequenz-, cluster- und regressionsanalytischer Verfahren Erwerbsverläufe von 900 Paaren über 36 Monate nach dem Übergang in die Elternschaft analysiert. Für die Kohorte der in den 1980er-Jahren Geborenen setzt sich die Bedeutungsabnahme traditioneller Erwerbsarrangements fort. Zudem gibt es immer mehr Elternpaare, in denen beide Elternteile relativ schnell nach der Geburt eines Kindes in die Erwerbstätigkeit zurückkehren. Kaum zu beobachten ist, dass Väter ihre Erwerbstätigkeit zunehmend zugunsten einer stärkeren Einbindung in Haushalts- oder Familientätigkeiten einschränken. Hingegen scheinen die Konvergenzen in den Erwerbsverläufen zwischen Müttern und Vätern vielmehr ein Resultat zunehmender Erwerbsdiskontinuitäten zu sein. Darüber hinaus hat die vorgeburtliche Arbeitsteilung auch für die jüngeren Elternpaare einen eher geringen Einfluss auf ihre nachgeburtlichen Erwerbskonstellationen. Die Ergebnisse legen nahe, dass der Abbau von geschlechterspezifischen Ungleichheiten am Arbeitsmarkt verstärkt voranzutreiben ist, damit weitere Anreize für die gleichmäßigere Erwerbsaufteilung im Paarkontext entstehen können.

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“…More involved and active fathering has been on the political agenda of many Western countries with the introduction of more gender-neutral family policesparticularly in the Scandinavian countries-and a societal re-definition of manhood that encourages men to engage in multiple social roles besides the traditional breadwinner role (Goldschneider et al 2015). For example, legal changes facilitating the establishment of longer parental and paternal leave were introduced in many European countries (Thévenon 2011), which may have contributed to the substantial daily time increase coupled fathers reported to spend with their children over the last decade (e.g., 57% increase in time spent with children from 2001/2002 to 2012/2013 among German men; Klünder and Meier-Gräwe 2018). The majority of fathers also wish to continue their engagement with their biological (or step-) children upon the separation from a former partner or spouse indicating shifting social norms related to parenting and fatherhood that may consequently impact changes on the social policy-level (Bengtson and Allen 2009).…”

Section: Spread and Characteristics Of Spc Familiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Are “Part-Time Parents” Healthier and Happier Parents? Correlates of Shared Physical Custody in Switzerland

Recksiedler

Bernardi

2021

European Studies of Population

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Changing legal and parental practices across Europe led to a higher share of parents practicing shared physical custody (SPC) upon separation, who tended to be more affluent and less conflict-ridden. Since SPC became more prevalent, profiles of SPC parents pluralized. Far from these developments, no clearly defined legal pathways toward SPC existed in Switzerland before 2017. Profiling the Swiss case, we examine the prevalence of SPC families, and its associations with parental health and well-being before these legislative changes. Among 875 separated parents of 1,269 minors, SPC (i.e., child alternates between parental homes at least 30% of the time) was practiced by about 11% of the sample. A higher share of SPC parents was highly-educated, yet more financially strained compared to other parents. Although no overall differences in health and well-being emerged between SPC and other separated parents (e.g., with sole custody), SPC-health-linkages varied by gender and education. We conclude that lacking institutional support for SPC and gender-biased employment practices reinforce traditional custody models. Because of costly childcare and more skewed time splits among Swiss SPC parents, SPC may represent more of a resource drain—at least economically—than a relief for the parent shouldering more care duties and expenses.

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Caring, Cooking, Cleaning – repräsentative Zeitverwendungsmuster von Eltern in Paarbeziehungen

Cited by 17 publications

References 16 publications

The Gendered Division of Cognitive Household Labor, Mental Load, and Family-Work Conflict in European Countries

The Gendered Division of Cognitive Household Labor, Mental Load, and Family-Work Conflict in European Countries

Kind – und dann? Wandel partnerschaftlicher Erwerbsverläufe drei Jahre nach dem Übergang in die Elternschaft

Are “Part-Time Parents” Healthier and Happier Parents? Correlates of Shared Physical Custody in Switzerland

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