Abstract:Canberra, the capital of the Commonwealth of Australia, was built as a symbol of a new nation. The city's symbolism is dominated by an optic axis, provided by the masterplan of Walter Burley Griffin. The dominant message of the objects at the poles of this axis, the Parliament House and the War Memorial, is nationalism. The Parliament House brings the nation together at one point and the War Memorial specifies that the Australian national is tough, resourceful, and comradely. By its reference to heroic deeds i… Show more
“…These monuments were studied in the field, during which observable data was compiled and recorded and photographs were taken. This is an approach previously utilised and endorsed by geographers such as Freek Colombijn (1998), who included these techniques as part of a broader 'anthropological tourism' methodology devised by Colombijn to undertake an investigation of the symbolic landscape of Australia's capital city Canberra. Efforts were then made to reconstruct as complete a picture of the monuments' nineteenth-century life histories as possible, an operation performed through examination of contemporary archival material.…”
During the nineteenth century, the first Duke of Wellington's renown was such that the inhabitants of Britain and Ireland funded a number of public monuments to celebrate his life and achievements. Three examples of these works were raised in Ireland, his native country. They were located in Dublin, Meath and Tipperary, respectively. Through unravelling the history of these monuments in the nineteenth century, this article explores how concepts of identity found form and expression, were shaped and reshaped, in and through the Irish landscape. The political and geographic context, combined with the personal associations of the commemorative subject, offer particular opportunity for the exploration of British and imperial identities, their composition and their relative strength and prevalence in the cultural landscapes of nineteenth-century Ireland. The nature and significance of Protestant Ascendancy and Roman Catholic interactions with the monuments are also considered.
“…These monuments were studied in the field, during which observable data was compiled and recorded and photographs were taken. This is an approach previously utilised and endorsed by geographers such as Freek Colombijn (1998), who included these techniques as part of a broader 'anthropological tourism' methodology devised by Colombijn to undertake an investigation of the symbolic landscape of Australia's capital city Canberra. Efforts were then made to reconstruct as complete a picture of the monuments' nineteenth-century life histories as possible, an operation performed through examination of contemporary archival material.…”
During the nineteenth century, the first Duke of Wellington's renown was such that the inhabitants of Britain and Ireland funded a number of public monuments to celebrate his life and achievements. Three examples of these works were raised in Ireland, his native country. They were located in Dublin, Meath and Tipperary, respectively. Through unravelling the history of these monuments in the nineteenth century, this article explores how concepts of identity found form and expression, were shaped and reshaped, in and through the Irish landscape. The political and geographic context, combined with the personal associations of the commemorative subject, offer particular opportunity for the exploration of British and imperial identities, their composition and their relative strength and prevalence in the cultural landscapes of nineteenth-century Ireland. The nature and significance of Protestant Ascendancy and Roman Catholic interactions with the monuments are also considered.
“…Cities seem to abound in symbols (Nas, 2011) that can be used to characterize them and to describe their soul. Shahshahani (1998) has analyzed Esfahan in Iran and Colombijn (1998) Canberra in Australia to mention a few examples. This urban symbolism approach corresponds to the insights of Lefebvre (1974) into the production of space, that distinguishes natural space, the perception of space, and the representation of space; Harvey (1990) on time and space; and the work of Nora (1984-92) and his realms of memory.…”
Urban anthropology consolidated in the 1970s-80s and became an important section of anthropology and urban studies. It embraces four main fields: (a) urban ethnography to highlight urban conditions and lifestyles, (b) the comparative study of cities as wholes, (c) anthropological studies of urbanization as a process of regional, national, and global social change related to all sorts of problems, especially poverty and slums, urban inequality and ethnicity, and urban environmental and conservation issues, and (d) fieldwork under specific urban conditions.
“…To analyze the symbolic meanings behind Walter Burley Griffin's design of Canberra is to tread a well-worn path forged by anthropologists, such as Colombijn (1998), as well as architects and historians (Firth, 2000(Firth, , 2001Proudfoot, 1994;Reid, 2002;Styles, 1995;Vernon, 2005). Canberra, the city, was built relatively recently, and in a period of such acute self-awareness of the relevance of the nation-state, that one may be forgiven for supposing that it was designed with the research projects of future scholars in mind!…”
As visitors perambulate around the Australian National Botanic Gardens, in Canberra, relationships among citizens, environments, and the nation-state are enacted: The central is emphasized over the peripheral, the Canberran space is depicted as a literal miniature model of the wider nation, science is privileged in the design of that representation, and "nature" is appreciated as isolatable from humans but controllable by them. As with other architectural aspects of Canberra, assumptions about the relative relationships among elements of the state are reflected in the spatial positioning and delineation of the items and embodied in those who move in and around them.
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