Abstract:Based on interviews with bureaucrats and judges in several Swiss cantons, this article analyzes how bureaucrats decide to order immigration detention and how the judicial review shapes their decisions. The authors argue that discretionary decision-making regarding immigration detention is structured by the web of relationships in which decision-makers are embedded and affected by the practices of other street-level actors. The varying cantonal configurations result in heterogenous bureaucratic practices that a… Show more
“…Applied to the field of immigration detention, this perspective can shed light on immigration officers' use of discretion in deciding to order detention (Campesi and Fabini 2020;Miaz and Achermann 2021b). The work of administrative courts in charge of detention orders' judicial control has also been investigated in research that shows how courts differ in their assessment of the risk of absconding, the 'dangerousness' of individuals or in the interpretations of the legal principle of proportionality (Campesi and Fabini 2020;Miaz and Achermann 2021a;Ryo 2016a). Likewise, this focus can also usefully explore the role of detention staff and the myriad of small and sometimes trivial decisions they have to make in their daily work with detainees, for example concerning the use of physical force and coercion (Hall 2012).…”
Section: Researching Migration Controlmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A second rationale is named 'legalist-rigorist' and refers to a strict implementation of detention -which can become quasi-systematic -whenever the criteria for ordering it are filled. Criteria such as proportionality and risk of absconding, however, need a thorough assessment in which migration officials try to anticipate judicial control (Miaz and Achermann 2021a). The third rationale is a financial one, referring both to the cost of immigration detention and to the cost of the nonenforcement of removals, which in the case of Dublin transfers can even trigger a financial sanction imposed by the State Secretariat for Migration.…”
“…Such rationales combine in various ways in the practices of migration officers working for different cantons (Miaz and Achermann 2021b). However, Miaz and Achermann (2021a) call for an understanding of the work of migration decision-makers as occurring within a web of relations composed by a diversity of state and non-state actors, including police corps stopping and arresting individuals. In particular, they argue that judicial control exerted by cantonal administrative courts strongly affects the work of officials deciding upon detention in that they need to find legal justifications and anticipate the courts' decisions to avoid being reprimanded by them.…”
“…In this sense, it also operates an indirect disciplinary effect on the bureaucrats who issue detention orders, as they know that an independent lawyer might examine their decisions. Although this control is primarily provided by courts in charge of the judicial review of detention orders, exerting an effect on migration officers who try to anticipate their decisions (Miaz and Achermann 2021a), civil society organisations have a much more critical view than judicial actors, who usually confirm the detention order. In this sense, the KAZ operates a disciplinary function not only over migration offices, but also over judicial authorities that are formally entrusted with the role of reviewing the legality of orders of detention.…”
Section: Exerting Control Over State Actions and Its Unintended Effectsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We have seen how immigration detention, despite being defined and rationalised as a practice of migration enforcement, assumes informal functions related to crime control such as incapacitation and crime prevention (Campesi and Fabini 2020;Leerkes and Broeders 2013). The administrative detention of criminal offenders to facilitate the enforcement of their removal is a formal or informal priority of several cantons (Miaz and Achermann 2021a). This was made explicit during the Spring of 2020, in the midst of the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic.…”
Section: The Blurring Of Crime and Migration Control In Hybrid Spaces Of Confinementmentioning
“…Applied to the field of immigration detention, this perspective can shed light on immigration officers' use of discretion in deciding to order detention (Campesi and Fabini 2020;Miaz and Achermann 2021b). The work of administrative courts in charge of detention orders' judicial control has also been investigated in research that shows how courts differ in their assessment of the risk of absconding, the 'dangerousness' of individuals or in the interpretations of the legal principle of proportionality (Campesi and Fabini 2020;Miaz and Achermann 2021a;Ryo 2016a). Likewise, this focus can also usefully explore the role of detention staff and the myriad of small and sometimes trivial decisions they have to make in their daily work with detainees, for example concerning the use of physical force and coercion (Hall 2012).…”
Section: Researching Migration Controlmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A second rationale is named 'legalist-rigorist' and refers to a strict implementation of detention -which can become quasi-systematic -whenever the criteria for ordering it are filled. Criteria such as proportionality and risk of absconding, however, need a thorough assessment in which migration officials try to anticipate judicial control (Miaz and Achermann 2021a). The third rationale is a financial one, referring both to the cost of immigration detention and to the cost of the nonenforcement of removals, which in the case of Dublin transfers can even trigger a financial sanction imposed by the State Secretariat for Migration.…”
“…Such rationales combine in various ways in the practices of migration officers working for different cantons (Miaz and Achermann 2021b). However, Miaz and Achermann (2021a) call for an understanding of the work of migration decision-makers as occurring within a web of relations composed by a diversity of state and non-state actors, including police corps stopping and arresting individuals. In particular, they argue that judicial control exerted by cantonal administrative courts strongly affects the work of officials deciding upon detention in that they need to find legal justifications and anticipate the courts' decisions to avoid being reprimanded by them.…”
“…In this sense, it also operates an indirect disciplinary effect on the bureaucrats who issue detention orders, as they know that an independent lawyer might examine their decisions. Although this control is primarily provided by courts in charge of the judicial review of detention orders, exerting an effect on migration officers who try to anticipate their decisions (Miaz and Achermann 2021a), civil society organisations have a much more critical view than judicial actors, who usually confirm the detention order. In this sense, the KAZ operates a disciplinary function not only over migration offices, but also over judicial authorities that are formally entrusted with the role of reviewing the legality of orders of detention.…”
Section: Exerting Control Over State Actions and Its Unintended Effectsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We have seen how immigration detention, despite being defined and rationalised as a practice of migration enforcement, assumes informal functions related to crime control such as incapacitation and crime prevention (Campesi and Fabini 2020;Leerkes and Broeders 2013). The administrative detention of criminal offenders to facilitate the enforcement of their removal is a formal or informal priority of several cantons (Miaz and Achermann 2021a). This was made explicit during the Spring of 2020, in the midst of the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic.…”
Section: The Blurring Of Crime and Migration Control In Hybrid Spaces Of Confinementmentioning
This paper builds on ethnographic fieldwork in Belgian welfare administrations to identify daily practices of resistance among Belgian ‘welfare bureaucrats’ who interrogate the new welfare and immigration law reforms that further restrict migrants’ access to social assistance. The contestation strategies are used to circumvent and sometimes break the formal and informal policy guidelines while still allowing them to perform and remain loyal to the state and to higher principles such as a commitment to the fundamental right to human dignity. Three main contestation strategies are identified: failing to provide certain services to demonstrate the absurdity of certain guidelines, writing reports against the administration and in favour of the user, and encouraging litigation against the federal agencies that employ them. These strategies show Belgian welfare workers’ commitment to providing a form of public service that aligns with their professional ethos rather than enforcing specific government policies.
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