Brexit and the union: Territorial voice, exit and re-entry strategies in Scotland and Northern Ireland after EU exit

McEwen, Nicola; Murphy, Mary C.

doi:10.1177/0192512121990543

Cited by 19 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…Young Loyalists resist the hard border in the Irish Sea (Hayward and Murphy 2018; Harvey 2020; McEwen and Murphy 2021). The flying of the flags and the Loyalist parades controversy also escalated conflict among Loyalists - especially the youth, who see themselves as under siege and embroiled in a culture war with the EU and the British and Irish governments.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Building Peace in Northern Ireland: Hopes for the Future

2022

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Since the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, over 2 billion Euros have been poured into Northern Ireland for peacebuilding. This article presents the hopes and experiences of workers in CSOs funded by either or both funds, development officers, and civil servants employed by the funders. They confirm that peacebuilding and reconciliation projects funded by the European Union (EU) Peace and Reconciliation Fund and the International Fund for Ireland (IFI) have positively contributed to the peace process in Northern Ireland. Civil Society Organizational (CSO) projects support peacebuilding, reconciliation, and greater cooperation between the Protestant and Catholic communities. This study explored the perceptions of 120 respondents working with these funders. They indicated that designated peacebuilding funding promotes bridging, needs to be balanced, and is important to building the peace dividend and that local knowledge, practices, and skillsets should be built into the funding process. The politics of post-Brexit Northern Ireland means that understanding how to best fund peacebuilding and reconciliation is critical. At time of writing, tensions have risen.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Building Peace in Northern Ireland: Hopes for the Future

2022

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“…For Sturgeon, Scotland did not support Brexit, and the conditions achieved in the FTA undermined the Scottish economy. These moments in casting a post-Brexit strategy in the United Kingdom would become the cornerstone of Sturgeon’s project of a new independence referendum for Scotland even in pandemic times ( McEwen and Murphy, 2021 ).…”

Section: Political Background In the United Kingdommentioning

confidence: 99%

Britain’s COVID-19 battle: The role of political leaders in shaping the responses to the pandemic

Thiers

Wehner

2023

The British Journal of Politics and International Relations

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This article introduces an analytical framework to trace and compare leaders’ different types of behaviours to the health crisis posed by COVID-19, following the analytical benefits of Leadership Trait Analysis. It examines Boris Johnson’s and Nicola Sturgeon’s diverging initial responses to the pandemic’s onset. We employ the Leadership Trait Analysis to shed light on three main differences in their respective leadership styles: risk-proneness versus risk-aversion; flexibility versus rigidity and rule advocacy versus rule ambivalence. Crises are one of the more fruitful situations in which to study leaders as their personal characteristics become central to the decision-making process. Thus, we employ an agent-centred and political psychology approach to analyse leaders’ behaviour and make sense of their divergent management styles. The results show that the differences between these leaders’ approaches to handling this global health crisis can be partly explained by their level of openness to information and their task versus relationship focus.

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“…The literature on exit and voice, for instance, has focused more on the threat of exit than on the consequences of realizing it, and has in any case focused on institutional environments that are less dense than the modern-day EU (cf. McEwen and Murphy, 2021). Meanwhile, the more specific literature on European disintegration and institutional obsolescence fails to capture the dynamics inherent in the departure of a single member state and the specific institutional changes which this may unleash.…”

Section: The Politics Of Withdrawalmentioning

confidence: 99%

When politics trumps strategy: UK–EU security collaboration after Brexit

Martill

Sus

2021

International Political Science Review

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Both the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU) have significant incentives for close collaboration in foreign, security and defence policies, given their shared strategic interests, the clear potential for efficiency savings in working together, and the intensity of prior working relations. That the recently negotiated EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement contains no provisions in this area is thus puzzling for followers of European security, who predicted prompt agreement, and for theories of international cooperation, which emphasise the importance of shared threats, absolute gains and prior interaction. We argue the failure to reach such an agreement stemmed from the politics of the withdrawal process itself, which resulted in acute problems of institutional selectivity, negotiating dynamics that polarised the relationship, institutional change that made an agreement less likely, and distributional scrabbling to supplant the UK. Our findings show that the dynamics of moving away from existing forms of cooperation are highly distinct from those motivating cooperation in normal times.

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Brexit and the union: Territorial voice, exit and re-entry strategies in Scotland and Northern Ireland after EU exit

Cited by 19 publications

References 28 publications

Building Peace in Northern Ireland: Hopes for the Future

Building Peace in Northern Ireland: Hopes for the Future

Britain’s COVID-19 battle: The role of political leaders in shaping the responses to the pandemic

When politics trumps strategy: UK–EU security collaboration after Brexit

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