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AbstractThe article discusses the issue of nuclear-propelled submarines as a nuclear non-proliferation question, addresses the issue of safeguards procedures and arrangements, and suggests a broader, political approach to allay international concerns. Such safeguards a… Show more
“…This level of uranium enrichment to be used in Australia's submarines has become a source of concern to many observers, as it might weaken the IAEA safeguards system. Meanwhile, in the Brazilian case, due to technical obstacles and economic disadvantages that can be very difficult to overcome, some authorities, while reaffirming the commitment to LEU fuel, have suggested the possibility that it will be closer to the 20% threshold of U-235 (Costa 2017;Spektor 2017). Hence, Costa (2017, p. 8-10) suggests that, albeit not certain from a technical point of view, the degree of uranium enrichment which will be used in the nuclear material for the reactor fuel should be clearly disclosed, as this would help alleviate concerns and avoid unpleasant surprises.…”
Section: Nnws With Nuclear-powered Submarines and The Non-proliferati...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Therefore, Brazil and Australia would be the first non-nuclear-weapon states (NNWS) to maintain nuclear-powered submarines without nuclear strike capabilities. In the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguard system, there exists what many academics have called a "loophole" (Cormier 2022;Costa 2017;Kaplow 2017;Von Hippel 2019 ;Moltz 1998;2005;2006) 3 or "grey area" (Desjardins;Rauf 1988) that allow NNWS to remove fissile material from the safeguards regime and use it in non-weapon and non-explosive related military applications like fuelling nuclear submarine reactors. Hence, acquiring or developing nuclear-powered submarines is not necessarily illegal, but as Marianne Hanson (2023) has pointed out it "undermines the spirit of the NPT" (verbal information).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For more information on proposals to deal with the NPT loophole, see: Egel; Goldblum; Suzuki 2015;Kaplow 2017;Shea 2017;Reddie;Goldblum 2018;Philippe 2014;Costa 2017. …”
Em 2021, Austrália, Estados Unidos e Reino Unido anunciaram a formação de uma parceriade segurança. Assim, Austrália e Brasil poderiam se tornar estados sem armas nucleares,mas com submarinos de propulsão nuclear. O objetivo é identificar as consequências dadecisão desses países para o Tratado de Não Proliferação de Armas Nucleares (NPT) e osistema de salvaguardas da Agência Internacional de Energia Atômica (AIEA). A metodologiaconsistiu na revisão de literatura e no método comparativo. Concluiu-se que as principaisconsequências estão relacionadas com as salvaguardas da AIEA, a proliferação nuclear eo reforço das desigualdades dentro do TNP.
“…This level of uranium enrichment to be used in Australia's submarines has become a source of concern to many observers, as it might weaken the IAEA safeguards system. Meanwhile, in the Brazilian case, due to technical obstacles and economic disadvantages that can be very difficult to overcome, some authorities, while reaffirming the commitment to LEU fuel, have suggested the possibility that it will be closer to the 20% threshold of U-235 (Costa 2017;Spektor 2017). Hence, Costa (2017, p. 8-10) suggests that, albeit not certain from a technical point of view, the degree of uranium enrichment which will be used in the nuclear material for the reactor fuel should be clearly disclosed, as this would help alleviate concerns and avoid unpleasant surprises.…”
Section: Nnws With Nuclear-powered Submarines and The Non-proliferati...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Therefore, Brazil and Australia would be the first non-nuclear-weapon states (NNWS) to maintain nuclear-powered submarines without nuclear strike capabilities. In the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguard system, there exists what many academics have called a "loophole" (Cormier 2022;Costa 2017;Kaplow 2017;Von Hippel 2019 ;Moltz 1998;2005;2006) 3 or "grey area" (Desjardins;Rauf 1988) that allow NNWS to remove fissile material from the safeguards regime and use it in non-weapon and non-explosive related military applications like fuelling nuclear submarine reactors. Hence, acquiring or developing nuclear-powered submarines is not necessarily illegal, but as Marianne Hanson (2023) has pointed out it "undermines the spirit of the NPT" (verbal information).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For more information on proposals to deal with the NPT loophole, see: Egel; Goldblum; Suzuki 2015;Kaplow 2017;Shea 2017;Reddie;Goldblum 2018;Philippe 2014;Costa 2017. …”
Em 2021, Austrália, Estados Unidos e Reino Unido anunciaram a formação de uma parceriade segurança. Assim, Austrália e Brasil poderiam se tornar estados sem armas nucleares,mas com submarinos de propulsão nuclear. O objetivo é identificar as consequências dadecisão desses países para o Tratado de Não Proliferação de Armas Nucleares (NPT) e osistema de salvaguardas da Agência Internacional de Energia Atômica (AIEA). A metodologiaconsistiu na revisão de literatura e no método comparativo. Concluiu-se que as principaisconsequências estão relacionadas com as salvaguardas da AIEA, a proliferação nuclear eo reforço das desigualdades dentro do TNP.
“…However, regardless of if HEU or LEU is in use in naval reactors, safeguards need to be considered. Usually the need for keeping military secrets is cited to counter this possibility, however, some studies [1,8,9] make the case that the need for secrecy does not preclude meaningful safeguards, if managed access to the reactor is available. Here, we will consider the case of no access to the reactor (or even access on-board the submarine), which goes beyond what has been considered in the literature so far.…”
Brazil is building a nuclear-powered attack submarine, South Korea has in the past asserted its need for nuclear-powered attack submarines to deal with the threat of North Korean nuclear-armed submarinelaunched ballistic missiles, and Iran has asserted more vaguely its need for naval nuclear propulsion. All three countries are nonweapon-state parties to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). Their interest in naval reactors brings with it two challenges to the NPT: (1) The safeguards "loophole" under which a country can withdraw nuclear materials from IAEA safeguards indefinitely for allowed "non-peaceful activities"; and (2) A justification for the acquisition of national uranium-enrichment facilities because the international suppliers of enrichment services have peaceful-use requirements. In fact, Brazil's acquisition of enrichment was driven by its navy. It is argued, however, that nuclear-powered attack submarines have advantages over modern conventional attack submarines primarily in their ability to transit great distances at high speed whereas only a few countries have foreign military commitments requiring such capabilities. For defense of nearby waters against foreign navies, attack submarines are merely one component of a complex system of anti-submarine aircraft and surface vessels and underwater sensor networks. Conventional attack submarines are no less effective and much less costly than nuclear-powered attack submarines in this role.
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