2016
DOI: 10.1111/ecpo.12081
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Borrowed Time: Sovereign Finance, Regime Type, and Leader Survival

Abstract: This study explores the conditional influence of sovereign credit on leader survival. We specifically focus on credit's heterogeneous effect on leadership survival across regimes. We argue that non‐democratic leaders are more sensitive to credit access and cost than democratic leadership. We use event history analysis to test the conditional relationship between sovereign credit and leader tenure from 1981 to 2004. Examining both domestic and global determinants of credit access and costs, our findings are con… Show more

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Cited by 42 publications
(11 citation statements)
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“…Additionally, because democracies tend to be more transparent in their release of economic and financial information, as well as policymaking processes, investors may be more confident in their ability to price risk (Campello 2015; Copelovitch, Gandrud, and Hallerberg 2018; Devlin 1989; Hollyer, Rosendorff, and Vreeland 2011). Several empirical studies establish that, via these reinforcing mechanisms, democracy leads to lower risk premiums on outstanding (secondary market) debt, lower prices for insurance against default (credit default swaps) and higher sovereign credit ratings (Beaulieu, Cox, and Saiegh 2012; DiGiuseppe and Shea 2016; North and Weingast 1989; Saiegh 2005). We confirm these democratic advantage mechanisms, conditional on global liquidity, in our empirical analyses of primary market outcomes.…”
Section: The Democratic Advantage and Its Limitsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Additionally, because democracies tend to be more transparent in their release of economic and financial information, as well as policymaking processes, investors may be more confident in their ability to price risk (Campello 2015; Copelovitch, Gandrud, and Hallerberg 2018; Devlin 1989; Hollyer, Rosendorff, and Vreeland 2011). Several empirical studies establish that, via these reinforcing mechanisms, democracy leads to lower risk premiums on outstanding (secondary market) debt, lower prices for insurance against default (credit default swaps) and higher sovereign credit ratings (Beaulieu, Cox, and Saiegh 2012; DiGiuseppe and Shea 2016; North and Weingast 1989; Saiegh 2005). We confirm these democratic advantage mechanisms, conditional on global liquidity, in our empirical analyses of primary market outcomes.…”
Section: The Democratic Advantage and Its Limitsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Since war taxation can erode popular support for wars (Flores-Macías and Kreps 2017), states that can borrow can stave off domestic discontent more so than states unable to borrow. Similarly, with credit access, leaders have more fiscal resources to either satisfy constituents’ preferences or repress opposition (DiGiuseppe and Shea 2015; Clay and DiGiuseppe 2017; DiGiuseppe and Shea 2016). This is consistent with research that finds that creditworthy states are less likely to be domestically constrained to initiate conflict (DiGiuseppe 2015a) and are more likely to fare well during wars (Shea 2014; Poast 2015; see also Zielinski 2016).…”
Section: Selection Processes Of Strategic Financementioning
confidence: 99%
“… 19. We note that our instrument is a variant of an instrument used in DiGiuseppe and Shea (2016). As a robustness check, we use Tomz’s (2007) indicator of borrowing in the selection stage and limit our outcome stage to only states that Tomz has coded as active in the credit market.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The government fragmentation argument has been extended by some authors who link deficit bias to government overspending on public goods to buy political support. This argument has been developed by De Mesquita et al (2017), Digiuseppe andShea (2016) andSmith (2010), who argue that leaders who face the probability of being overthrown generally use public spending to ward off the threat of destabilisation and retain power. These leaders increase the supply of public goods to improve the well-being of citizens and reduce the desire for revolutionary change, or they limit the supply of coordination goods (freedom of expression or assembly, e.g.,).…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%