Black Representation and Educational Policy: Are They Related?

Meier, Kenneth J.; England, Robert E.

doi:10.2307/1963371

Cited by 118 publications

(62 citation statements)

References 36 publications

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“…These findings are consistent with the expectation that black representation is more arduous under AL systems precisely because a larger black population is required to achieve an effective voting bloc. However, they are contrary to several early studies (Meier and England 1984;Welch and Karnig 1978) that found differences across boards and councils most striking under AL systems and to more recent work by Sass and Mehay (1995), who cite the "waning" effect of SMD arrangements in recent decades. Indeed, our data suggest that SMD arrangements matter more than ever, at least when it comes to overcoming the representational hurdle.…”

contrasting

confidence: 91%

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The New Racial Calculus: Electoral Institutions and Black Representation in Local Legislatures

Marschall

Ruhil

Shah

2009

American J Political Sci

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In this study we revisit the question of black representation on city councils and school boards using a novelO ver the past several decades, social scientists interested in questions of race and representation in American politics have paid considerable attention to black representation on city councils and local school boards. These investigations have focused almost exclusively on two explanatory factors: the voting strength of the black population and local electoral institutions. This focus is predicated on conventional assumptions that given a choice, black voters prefer electing black candidates and that blacks come closer to achieving proportional representation as their share of the electorate increases. Electoral institutions are believed to condition the "seats/population" relationship with at-large election (AL) systems impeding the election of minorities, particularly in the South where racial voting has been most pervasive.Extant research espouses this relatively simple model of representation despite mixed empirical results. Specifically, although many studies find that the likelihood of attaining proportionality increases as the share of the black population increases and that blacks are less proportionally represented on city councils and school boards when The authors wish to thank three anonymous referees and the editor for their comments and suggestions.elected at large rather than from single-member districts (SMD), important exceptions exist (Alozie and Manganaro 1993;Welch 1990;Welch and Karnig 1978). Further, despite similarities in the models and methods employed to study black council and board representation, results suggest that blacks are more proportionally represented on boards (Meier and England 1984;Welch and Karnig 1978).More generally, the literature reflects two enduring puzzles. First, given the higher incidence of AL arrangements in municipalities and school districts and the fact that blacks are a minority in most jurisdictions in America, what accounts for blacks' representational gains over the past several decades? Second, if electoral structure and voting strength play identical roles in council and board contests, why do empirical studies find more "equitable" representation on boards than councils? Do mechanisms other than the size of the black population and SMD arrangements matter for black representation in local governing bodies?

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confidence: 91%

“…Further, despite similarities in the models and methods employed to study black council and board representation, results suggest that blacks are more proportionally represented on boards (Meier and England 1984;Welch and Karnig 1978).…”

mentioning

confidence: 94%

The New Racial Calculus: Electoral Institutions and Black Representation in Local Legislatures

Marschall

Ruhil

Shah

2009

American J Political Sci

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“…The vast majority of research attempting to answer this question has focused on the indirect effect of the VRA on black representation. In particular, building upon the large body of research demonstrating an association between single-member districts and minority representation (Bullock and MacManus 1993;Engstrom and McDonald 1981;Karnig and Welch 1982;Marschall, Ruhil and Shah 2010;Meier and England 1984;Trounstine and Valdini 2008), scholars have long hypothesized that electoral changes in covered jurisdictions would lead to increases in minority representation. Specifically, single-member districts (SMD) are argued to concentrate blacks into compact electoral districts, reducing their reliance upon other groups in the electorate and increasing their capacity to elect black candidates to legislative office.…”

Section: How? Explaining Black Gains In Council Representationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Are We There Yet? The Voting Rights Act and Black Representation on City Councils, 1981–2006

Shah¹,

Marschall²,

Ruhil³

2013

The Journal of Politics

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Sound evidence demonstrating what, if any, role the Voting Rights Act (VRA) has played in the impressive gains minorities have made in local office holding over the last 45 years remains in short supply. The present study is motivated by three crucial questions. First, where are gains in minority office holding most apparent, and how are these gains related to the VRA? Second, while studies have noted gains in black representation over time, the question of how the VRA in particular has contributed to these gains remains unclear. Finally, given claims made by opponents of the 2006 legislation reauthorizing the VRA that it was no longer needed, the question of when the VRA has been most efficacious, and if it continues to be relevant, is also salient. Our findings suggest that the VRA has been and continues to be an important tool in ensuring black descriptive representation, particularly in places with a legacy of racial intimidation and discrimination.

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“…Eulau and Karps (1977) labeled this phenomenon bactive representationQ or the direct advocacy of policies beneficial to one's own core supporters or constituents. A number of research studies examined, for example, the relationship between the presence of a African American mayor and the likelihood of the provision of noteworthy collective benefits to African Americans (Campbell & Feagin, 1975); key among these benefits were employment in municipal jobs (Eisinger, 1982) and the establishment of education policies directed toward the improvement of public schools with high minority enrollment (Meier & England, 1984). Lewis (1989) examined the effect of the presence of African American mayors on the employment of African American police officers.…”

Section: Minority Demographics Explanationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Predicting the employment of minority officers in U.S. cities: OLS fixed-effect panel model results for African American and Latino officers for 1993, 1996, and 2000

Zhao¹,

He²,

Lovrich³

2005

Journal of Criminal Justice

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Black Representation and Educational Policy: Are They Related?

Cited by 118 publications

References 36 publications

The New Racial Calculus: Electoral Institutions and Black Representation in Local Legislatures

The New Racial Calculus: Electoral Institutions and Black Representation in Local Legislatures

Are We There Yet? The Voting Rights Act and Black Representation on City Councils, 1981–2006

Predicting the employment of minority officers in U.S. cities: OLS fixed-effect panel model results for African American and Latino officers for 1993, 1996, and 2000

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