Black Radicalization and the Funding of Civil Rights: 1957-1970

Haines, Herbert H.

doi:10.2307/800260

Cited by 315 publications

(107 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…As a result, in 1913 Texas, both property reform and suffrage were denied. We believe that Haines (ibid.) is correct, however, to argue that often the influence of radical demands by activists can produce positive outcomes for social movement actors. Our investigation of the married women's property acts suggests this.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 95%

“…In short, radical activism in one branch of the movement benefitted the more moderate wing of the overall mobilization. Haines called this a “positive radical flank effect,” explaining that a radical flank can “provide a militant foil against which moderate strategies and demands are redefined and normalized—in other words, treated as ‘reasonable’” (1984: 32). Haines also theorized a “negative radical flank effect,” with the opposite possibility, that the radical arm of a movement could alienate followers and cause a decline in movement support, including for more moderate groups.…”

Section: A Positive Radical Demand Effectmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…But interestingly, a radical demand effect still occurred. Just before Texas married women won legal rights to their separate property, the women's movement in the state also began to lobby for an equal rights amendment, and instead of suffrage providing the radical threat pointed to by Haines (1984), the proposed Texas Equal Legal Rights Amendment presented the threat that nudged political leaders toward a new property law.…”

Section: Parallels Elsewherementioning

confidence: 99%

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A Radical Demand Effect: Early US Feminists and the Married Women's Property Acts

McCammon¹,

Arch²,

Bergner³

2014

Social Science History

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Numerous scholars consider the economic origins of the late-nineteenth-and earlytwentieth-century US married women's property acts. Researchers investigate how economic downturns and women's inroads into business spurred lawmakers to reform property laws to give married women the right to own separate property. Such economic explanations, however, are only a partial story. Our investigation reveals the important role of women's collective activism in winning these legal changes. Women mobilized for property rights often as they pressed for voting rights and, in one case, as they campaigned for an equal rights amendment. We examine circumstances leading to passage of married women's property acts in seven states to show that as women mobilized for property rights alongside voting rights or a broader equal rights law, a radical demand effect unfolded. Lawmakers often considered demands for woman suffrage or an equal rights amendment as more far-reaching and thus more radical and threatening. Such feminist demands, then, provided a foil for property-rights activism, and the contrast led lawmakers to view property demands as more moderate. In addition, as they pressed for these combined reforms, women often engaged in hybrid framing that allowed them to moderate their demand for property reforms by linking their property goals to beliefs already widely accepted. The confluence of these circumstances led political leaders to deem property changes as more moderate and acceptable in an effort to steer feminists away from their radical goals. In the end, the radical demand effect created a political opportunity for passage of the married women's property acts.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 95%

Section: A Positive Radical Demand Effectmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Parallels Elsewherementioning

confidence: 99%

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A Radical Demand Effect: Early US Feminists and the Married Women's Property Acts

McCammon¹,

Arch²,

Bergner³

2014

Social Science History

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“…One particularly pressing concern is the risk of internal conflict over how best to incorporate women's interests into group goals and platforms. Some leaders may prefer to avoid the inclusion of subgroups that advocate for polarizing or fringe preferences given that they can significantly jeopardize group cohesiveness, as well as public support (Haines 1984; Olson 1965). 8 For example, in the early days of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) in present-day Namibia, “the gender-equality question was on the agenda beginning in 1970 but was considered subordinate to the objective of independence.…”

Section: Organizational Demand For Women Participantsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Women's Participation in Violent Political Organizations

Thomas

Bond

2015

Am Polit Sci Rev

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While women have participated in a variety of militarized movements across time and space, the determinants of their participation have not been examined systematically. In this article, we seek to explain variation in women's involvement across different violent political organizations. Our research highlights the role that organizational attributes play in influencing women's presence in violent groups. We evaluate our hypotheses using an original dataset on women's participation in and characteristics of 166 violent political organizations across 19 African countries from 1950 to 2011. Our empirical results show strong support for our argument that organization-based opportunities for women's participation explain whether female members are present in a group.

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“…Though not centered on religious movements, his framework helps to consider the ramifications of the 'Judeo-Christian' versus non-Judeo-Christian paradigm that permeates throughout the alt-right media sphere. Finally, Herman Haines (1984Haines ( , 1988, who coined the term 'radical flank effects', found that radical black activists actually helped to legitimize moderate civil rights activism through their comparatively radical approaches. We can apply this concept, the "radical flank effects," to the post-truth era to unveil how the alt-right and alternative right-wing movement, 'witnessed in increasing incidences of violence linked to white supremacy, vigilantes, and survivalists' (Crockford, 2018: 238), spreads in alternative media, legitimizing seemingly moderate but nonetheless detrimental right-wing Islamophobic ideology.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%