JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Sociological Review. State women's suffrage movements are investigated to illuminate the circumstances in which social movements bring about political change. In 29 states, suffragists were able to win significant voting rights prior to passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. In addition to resource mobilization, cultural framing, and political opportunity structures, the authors theorize that gendered opportunities also fostered the successes of the movements. An event history analysis provides evidence that gendered opportunity structures helped to bring about the political successes of the suffragists. Results suggest the need for a broader understanding of opportunity structure than one rooted simply in formal political opportunities.Direct all correspondence to Holly McCammon, SO AMERICANSOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW ing attention to the role of social movements, noting simply the presence or absence of movement activity and rarely noting variations in the organizational strength, strategies, and ideologies of movements. In addition, some movement researchers have turned their attention to the systematic study of movements and their outcomes, but the theoretical focus of this work has also been somewhat narrow (Amenta, Dunleavy, and Bernstein 1994; Banaszak 1996; Giugni, McAdam, and Tilly 1998). Movement researchers who examine the success of movements either focus primarily on the strategies of the movements themselves (Morris 1993) or, in examining the context of mobilization, limit their consideration to political institutions and actors, that is, to the political opportunity structure (Amenta, Carruthers, and Zylan 1992; Gelb 1987). We argue that a model of movement success must consider not only the mobilization of the movements but the broad context in which those movements operate, including political and other social dynamics that can affect movement success. We elaborate on this below, but first we point out that a model of the political success of movements must theorize the impact of movements and their contexts on political decision-makers. Bringing about political or policy changein the case of the suffragists, the expansion of voting rights-requires a willingness on the part of political decision-makers to support such change. A model of movement success, then, must specify the circumstances fostering such willingness on the part of political actors.Sociological theories of the state and of policymaking have long recognized the need to theorize the interests and actions of state actors to understand the policymaking process (Alford and Friedland 1985). Yet, ...

Collective actors typically attempt to bring about a change in law or policy by employing discursive tactics designed to convince key political decision-makers to alter policy, yet few systematic studies of the effects of social movement framing on political outcomes exist. We theorize that the cultural context in which framing takes place moderates the success of movement framing in winning changes in policy. We examine the efforts of organized women, during roughly the first half of the twentieth century, to convince lawmakers to broaden jury laws to give women the opportunity to sit on juries. To examine the combined effect of framing and the discursive opportunities provided by hegemonic legal principles, traditional gender beliefs, gendered political opportunities, opposition framing, and wartime, we use logistic regression. The findings provide substantial evidence that framing's influence is moderated by discursive elements in the broader context. Our results suggest that investigations of how citizen groups influence law and policy must take into account framing's important role and the ways in which the cultural context conditions framing's influence.

It has been more than twenty-five years since publication of David Snow, Burke Rochford, Steven Worden, and Robert Benford's article, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation" in the American Sociological Review (1986). Here we consider the conceptual and empirical origins of the framing perspective, how its introduction fundamentally altered and continues to influence the study of social movements, and where scholarly research on social movement framing is still needed.

Social movement organizations frequently enter into coalitions with other movement groups. Yet few movement scholars have investigated the circumstances that foster coalition work. This article analyzes both the contextual and organizational factors that spurred coalitions between women's suffrage organizations and Woman's Christian Temperance Unions in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as they worked to win voting rights for women. We find that circumstances that threatened the goals of these organizations led to coalitions, while political opportunities did not produce coalition work. In addition, organizational resources and ideologies also influenced the likelihood of the emergence of a coalition.

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We use Metropolitan Statistical Area-level data to investigate the emergence and size of the 2017 Women's Marches. Our findings indicate that the protests can be understood through both grievances and threats felt in the aftermath of Trump's election and movement organizational resources. While the impact of movement resources is as expected (more protest in MSAs with greater resources), the effect of grievances and threats is complex. Cautions concerning the marches in both African American and Hispanic communities result in negative influences on protest in MSAs with larger black and Latino populations. Also, heightened grievances/threats generally do not increase the occurrence of the Women's Marches, but some grievances/threats, specifically among feminists and those voting for Clinton, increase the size of protests. We also do not find significant interactions between grievances and movement resources. Our findings suggest that because post-election grievances/threats were strongly felt, protesters did not need movement organizational leaders to help them define their grievance. They simply needed movement groups to provide venues for protest, that is, a coordinated set of sister marches. We conclude that researchers should consider both the type of grievances and threats and how grievances/threats and organizational resources work alongside one another to promote protest.