Black Lives Matter and the Call for Death Penalty Abolition

Cholbi, Michael; Madva, Alex

doi:10.1086/695988

Cited by 14 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 47 publications

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“…22 Cf. the debate about racial bias in capital punishment (Cholbi and Madva 2018;Lippert-Rasmussen 2010). 23 This case may also confirm that Frankfurt's account of respect is flawed.…”

Section: Why We Should Reject Relating As Sufficients -And As An Impl...mentioning

confidence: 89%

Relational Sufficientarianism and Frankfurt’s Objections to Equality

Lippert‐Rasmussen

2020

J Ethics

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This article presents two rejoinders to Frankfurt's arguments against egalitarianism. In developing the first, I introduce a novel relational view of justice: relational sufficiency. This is the view that justice requires us to relate to one another as people with sufficient, but not necessarily equal, standing. I argue that if Frankfurt's objections to distributive equality are sound, so are analogous objections to relational equality. However, in a range of cases involving comparative justice (punishment, equal pay, and family relations) we should be relational egalitarians, not relational sufficientarians, and that we must therefore reject Frankfurt's objections to distributive equality. The second rejoinder takes the form of a demonstration that all of Frankfurt's objections to distributive equality (and relational equality) are unsound. In effect, the article rehabilitates the ideal of distributive equality in the face of Frankfurt's objections.

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“…22 Cf. the debate about racial bias in capital punishment (Cholbi and Madva 2018;Lippert-Rasmussen 2010). 23 This case may also confirm that Frankfurt's account of respect is flawed.…”

Section: Why We Should Reject Relating As Sufficients -And As An Impl...mentioning

confidence: 89%

Relational Sufficientarianism and Frankfurt’s Objections to Equality

Lippert‐Rasmussen

2020

J Ethics

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“…8 Our co-editor Benjamin Yost suggested such a strategy. See also Cholbi and Madva (2018) and the PEA Soup blog discussion, Kelly et al (2018). 14 due in significant measure to implicit racial bias.…”

Section: Cases Like Mccleskey Unfolded At a Time When Overt Endorsements Of Racial Animosity Werementioning

confidence: 99%

“…1 In so doing, the Movement refers to a body of empirical studies (dating back to the 1940's; Myrdal 1944) suggesting racial discrimination in the administration of the death penalty in the United States.More specifically, these studies indicate both that Black American capital defendants are more likely to be subject to execution than defendants of other races and that those who murder Black Americans are less likely to be subject to execution than are those who murder members of other races. The question of whether such apparent discrimination legally impugns the death penalty 1 We first explored philosophical questions based on the Movement's claims about the death penalty in Cholbi and Madva (2018). See also Cholbi (2006).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Can Capital Punishment Survive If Black Lives Matter?

Cholbi¹,

Madva²

2021

The Movement for Black Lives

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Drawing upon empirical studies of racial discrimination, the Movement for Black Lives platform calls for the abolition of capital punishment. The authors defend the Movement’s claim that the death penalty in the United States is a “racist practice” that “devalues Black lives.” They first sketch the jurisprudential history of race and capital punishment in the United States, wherein courts have occasionally expressed worries about racial injustice but have usually called for reform rather than abolition. They argue that the racial discrimination at issue flows in part from implicit biases concerning race, criminality, and violence, which do not fit comfortably within the picture of racial bias advanced by the courts. The case for abolition rests on Black Americans as a class (not merely those who interact with the criminal justice system as capital defendants or as murder victims) being subject to such bias and thereby not being accorded equal status under the law.

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“…Ultimately, Black Lives Matter is a social movement raising awareness of racial injustices and campaigns for social, political, and legal reforms (Cholbi and Madva, 2018; Clayton, 2018).…”

Section: Ethno‐racial Identities Racial Resentment and Gun Policy Pre...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Identity and the racialized politics of violence in gun regulation policy preferences

Vidal

Paez

Shields

2021

Social Science Quarterly

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Objective In this study, we examine how attitudes about race, as well as ethno‐racial identities, influence support for various gun regulation policies. Drawing on the Racial Resentment and identity politics literature, we argue that attitudes about gun control are not simply driven by ideological, partisan, or demographic factors, but are often influenced by attitudes about race and identity, and region. Methods Using data from a 2016 national survey of White, African American, and Hispanic/Latinx respondents, along with a comparable southern sample, we test for the effects of ethno‐racial identity, Racial Resentment, evaluations of the Black Lives Matter movement, and feelings about African Americans on individuals’ attitudes about background checks and banning assault weapons. Using the 2016 American National Election Study, we test the generalizability of these findings in the presence of additional controls. Results Overall, we find that attitudes about race, ethno‐racial identities, and in some cases regional variations, help explain support for gun regulation policies.

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Black Lives Matter and the Call for Death Penalty Abolition

Cited by 14 publications

References 47 publications

Relational Sufficientarianism and Frankfurt’s Objections to Equality

Relational Sufficientarianism and Frankfurt’s Objections to Equality

Can Capital Punishment Survive If Black Lives Matter?

Identity and the racialized politics of violence in gun regulation policy preferences

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