Biblical Hebrew Wayyiqtol: A Dynamic Definition

Andrason, Alexander

doi:10.5508/jhs.2011.v11.a8

Cited by 9 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 17 publications

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“…The prototypicality peak is located in the zone of a perfective past. Accordingly, the meaning of the WAYYIQTOL form can be portrayed in the dynamic or wave manner of Figure 6 (for a detailed analysis see Andrason, 2011aAndrason, , 2013a:…”

Section: Modification Of the Parameter Related To The Factormentioning

confidence: 99%

Affordances perspective and grammaticalization: Incorporation of language, environment and users in the model of semantic paths

Andrason

2015

SSLLT

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The present paper demonstrates that insights from the affordances perspective can contribute to developing a more comprehensive model of grammaticalization. The authors argue that the grammaticalization process is afforded differently depending on the values of three contributing parameters: the factor (schematized as a qualitative-quantitative map or a wave of a gram), environment (understood as the structure of the stream along which the gram travels), and actor (narrowed to certain cognitive-epistemological capacities of the users, in particular to the fact of being a native speaker). By relating grammaticalization to these three parameters and by connecting it to the theory of optimization, the proposed model offers a better approximation to realistic cases of grammaticalization: The actor and environment are overtly incorporated into the model and divergences from canonical grammaticalization paths are both tolerated and explicable.

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Section: Modification Of the Parameter Related To The Factormentioning

confidence: 99%

Affordances perspective and grammaticalization: Incorporation of language, environment and users in the model of semantic paths

Andrason

2015

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“…First, the qātēl forms we view as HPs may be linked to finite verbal grams that prototypically refer to perfective past events: SC in BA (cf. Bauer and Leander 1927;Segert 1975;Kienast 2001: 322;Gzella 2004;Li 2009;Andrason, Hornea, and Joubert 2019;Andrason and Lange 2021) and wayyiqtol in Biblical Hebrew (Kienast 2001: 317;Andrason 2011;2013;2016). The former situation applies to all the cases-see, e.g., the SC ‫ּה‬ ‫וַ‬ ‫ּתְ‬ 'he was/became amazed/alarmed' and ‫ם‬ ‫קָ‬ 'he rose' in (1.a)-except for Dan.…”

Section: Qātēl and The Definition Of The Historical Presentmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Historical Present qātēl in Biblical Aramaic

Andrason¹,

Gysman²,

Lange³

et al. 2022

JAOS

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This article offers a typologically-driven and corpus-based analysis of the historical present (HP) “active participle” qātēl in Biblical Aramaic. The authors argue that qātēl instantiates the HP category quite neatly and provide three main arguments. First, qātēl complies with the definition of a progredient/propulsive HP that emerges from crosslinguistic literature: while, in its prototypical use, qātēl expresses some type(s) of present, it may also be employed in narrative to introduce past perfective events. Second, when used as an HP, qātēl exhibits functions that are consistent with tendencies attested across languages: stylistically, the HP qātēl is often associated with expressivity, mirativity, and dramatism, while discourse-pragmatically, it is predominantly related to the progression (rarely, the climax) and atomization of the plot. Third, most other properties exhibited by the HP qātēl also harmonize with the behavior of HPs observed in linguistic typology; these concern types of clauses in which the HP qātēl appears, and subjects and verbs used. Overall, the HP qātēl can be viewed as a highlighting narrative device—subjective although linguistically constrained.

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“…Finally, it should be noted that the category of "taxis" has recently been applied to Hebrew grammar by Andrason (2011a;2011b;2011d) in order to define the evolution of grams. Kuryłowicz (1973: 115-16) also explains the syntax of Semitic languages according to this category, but in his opinion qatal expresses anteriority and yiqtol simultaneity.…”

Section: Taxismentioning

confidence: 99%

Sequences of Verbal Forms and Taxis in Biblical Hebrew

Lenzi

2015

JHS

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This study presents an empirical collection of Biblical Hebrew verbal forms, arguing that at one stage of the Hebrew language syntax was based on a combination of sequences and taxis (the chronological relations between two “actions”). The suffix conjugation and the prefix conjugation had different functions in a past/anterior sequence and in a non-past/non-anterior sequence. In a past/anterior sequence, the suffix conjugation denoted a co-ordinate element, while the prefix conjugation denoted a sub-ordinate element. In a non-past/non-anterior sequence, on the other hand, the prefix conjugation denoted a co-ordinate element, whereas the suffix conjugation denoted a sub-ordinate element. This syntax was identical in direct speech, subordinate clauses, narration and poetry.

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Biblical Hebrew Wayyiqtol: A Dynamic Definition

Cited by 9 publications

References 17 publications

Affordances perspective and grammaticalization: Incorporation of language, environment and users in the model of semantic paths

Affordances perspective and grammaticalization: Incorporation of language, environment and users in the model of semantic paths

The Historical Present qātēl in Biblical Aramaic

Sequences of Verbal Forms and Taxis in Biblical Hebrew

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