“…Without examining empirical evidence of any kind, a number of prominent European philosophers like Voltaire, Rousseau, David Hume, Immanuel Kant, and Hegel emphatically considered Africans to be inferior. Some of these philosophers maintained that Africans had not built a civilization (Henry 2004;Camara 2005).…”
It can be said that virtually all member states of the United Nations are multiethnic, and yet racism and ethnic discrimination remain significant features of many of these countries. This chapter examines the notions of race and ethnicity, the origins of racialization and racism, as well as ethnic discrimination. It alludes to the historical significance of the enslavement of millions of Africans to labor in the plantations and mines of the Americas and Caribbean islands, colonialism in Africa, Asia, and the Pacific, and international labor migration to contemporary forms of racism and interethnic relations. The violent displacement and movement of thousands of refugees and asylum seekers from Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria to Western countries have given rise to xenophobia, Islamophobia, and racism in the latter states. Interethnic tensions and conflicts remain legacies of an earlier epoch of uneven and unequal development as well as discriminatory practices in most postcolonial states. The struggle against racism and ethnic discrimination is an ongoing process.
“…Without examining empirical evidence of any kind, a number of prominent European philosophers like Voltaire, Rousseau, David Hume, Immanuel Kant, and Hegel emphatically considered Africans to be inferior. Some of these philosophers maintained that Africans had not built a civilization (Henry 2004;Camara 2005).…”
It can be said that virtually all member states of the United Nations are multiethnic, and yet racism and ethnic discrimination remain significant features of many of these countries. This chapter examines the notions of race and ethnicity, the origins of racialization and racism, as well as ethnic discrimination. It alludes to the historical significance of the enslavement of millions of Africans to labor in the plantations and mines of the Americas and Caribbean islands, colonialism in Africa, Asia, and the Pacific, and international labor migration to contemporary forms of racism and interethnic relations. The violent displacement and movement of thousands of refugees and asylum seekers from Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria to Western countries have given rise to xenophobia, Islamophobia, and racism in the latter states. Interethnic tensions and conflicts remain legacies of an earlier epoch of uneven and unequal development as well as discriminatory practices in most postcolonial states. The struggle against racism and ethnic discrimination is an ongoing process.
“…The list can go on, but my point here is that such an insight was no different among black philosophers of the modern age. Wilhelm Amo, an eighteenth-century Akan scholar of medicine and law, raised questions of reasoning beyond philosophy when he reflected on questions of human dignity and offered a critique of the Cartesian anthropology and psychology of mind/body dualism (see Wiredu, 1996;Gordon, 2008a); Cugoano, a Fanti writing in London in the eighteenth century, did not worry about whether he was a philosopher when he criticized Hume's racist views on blacks and thought through the problem of the language and thought of God and its theodicean relation to slavery (Henry, 2004); Du Bois, although formally located in history and sociology, questioned the very conditions of producing social knowledge and the anthropologies that led to the production of degraded peoples (Du Bois, 1898;1903;. Although discouraged by William James from pursuing these matters through philosophy, Du Bois ironically addressed them in philosophical terms through their transcendence.…”
Section: Decadence and Double Consciousnessmentioning
This article explores some of the relationships between philosophy of culture and black existence, which by extension means Africana philosophy's relation to it. It also means that much of this discussion is metaphilosophical -i.e. about philosophy -although its own philosophical significance will unfold.Black existence brings to the fore a central tension in modern thought. While a celebration of the value of freedom, much (albeit granted not all) of modern thought has also been a rationalization of enslavement and the ignoring of ideas about enslavement and freedom from black people, which raises the question of the extent to which philosophical thought is committed to truth and reality. The avowed basis of excluding black thought is a supposed commitment to genuine universal themes. But as can be easily shown, this often takes the form of a presumed particularity of blackness expanded by the universalizing force of whiteness. That whiteness premises itself on ignoring blackness, and blackness premises itself as a relation to whiteness (and other symbolic purveyors of thought), leads to a subverted realization: Whiteness is only universal to the extent to which it ignores reality. It is thus a particular asserting itself as universal. That blackness admits its relationality means that it is, albeit not the universal, more of a universalizing commitment. This observation is found throughout African Diasporic thought (cf. Henry, 2000;Gordon, 2008a). It is also a growing realization in certain forms of political and philosophical thought without an initial avowal of African Diasporic thought, such as the work of Sibylle Fischer ( 2004) and Susan Buck-Morss (2009). The presupposition of black particularity versus white universality leads to additional difficulties in discussing black themes, one of which is that black themes are treated in a neurotic way: the disqualification of truth by virtue of the speaker or the subject, the classic ad hominem fallacy applied to the self. An example of this can be found in recent discussions of Africa, where there is demand, especially with 'Black Atlanticism,' for it to be a 'nonracial' discourse, yet when discussed in a holistic way to include, e.g., St Augustine from the early Middle Ages, Ibn Rushd and Maimonides from the later Medieval period, there are those who object to such inclusion. I do not see how such an objection could work without a claim to those thinkers supposedly not being black. That St Augustine was from what is today Algeria, and that Ibn Rushd and Maimonides were from North African Moors in the case of the former and similar Jews in the case of the latter
“…La primera de ellas es que, tal y como afirma el politólogo camerunés Achille Mbembe (2016: 79-83) a los conceptos África y negro "les une una relación de engendramiento mutuo […] (y) son el resultado de un largo proceso histórico de fabricación de sujetos de raza". En la línea de Du Bois, ahora el africano y el "Negro" se conforman como un estereotipo oposicional necesario para la construcción de las identidades blancas (Henry, 2004) minando la capacidad de resistencia de las propias poblaciones negras ante un discurso hegemónico racista (Traoré, 2004).…”
Resumen. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar, a través de aquellos filmes españoles ambientados en nuestro país, la representación que se ha elaborado de las poblaciones negras. Saber cómo se ha construido la diferencia de este "otro", no en el terreno colonial, sino en el terreno "doméstico", y a partir del papel que han jugado la lengua y la religión, fundamentales para la doctrina del hispanismo, así como otro tipo de prejuicios ligados a la sexualidad o a su no reconocimiento como sujeto, es clave para entender la evolución histórica del racismo en España. Palabras clave: Racismo; cine español; negroafricano, África; representación; discriminación.[en] The figure of a black through the big screen. The entry of Spain into the European Union as the turning point.Abstract. The aim of this work is to analyse the representation of the black population through Spanish films set in Spain. Knowing how the difference of this "other" has been built (not in a colonial context but in a 'domestic' context, and based on the role of language and religion, which are essential for the doctrine of Hispanism) as well as other kind of prejudices linked to sexuality or their misrecognition as subjects, is a key to understanding the historic evolution of racism in Spain.
Sumario: 1. Introducción. 2. Del cine franquista de propaganda al cine en la etapa democrática. 3. Retrato del negroafricano en el marco contemporáneo: Europa como punto de inflexión. 4. Cuando los negros eran católicos.... La religión como elemento diferenciador 5. Migración e idiomas: la lengua también potencia la diferencia. 6. Conclusiones. 7. Referencia bibliográficas. Cómo citar: Maroto Blanco, J.M.; Ortega López, T.M. (2018). La figura del negro a través de la gran pantalla. La entrada de España en la Unión Europea como punto de inflexión. Historia y comunicación social, 23 (2), 567-583.
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