Beliefs about personality change and continuity

Haslam, Nick; Bastian, Brock; Fox, Christopher; Whelan, Jennifer

doi:10.1016/j.paid.2006.11.001

Cited by 29 publications

(29 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…National groups also vary in their perception and treatment of adolescents; Americans used more socially negative words to describe adolescents than did the Chinese (Boduroglu et al, 2006), and mothers’ reactions to hyperactive boys differ cross-culturally (Gidwani, Opitz, & Perrin, 2006). Personality stereotypes of different age groups, however, may be more similar across nations (Haslam, Bastian, Fox, & Whelan, 2007; Igier & Mullet, 2003). In particular, Cuddy, Norton, and Fiske (2005) found that stereotypes of the old as high in warmth and low in competence generalized to 6 different nations.…”

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confidence: 99%

Stereotypes of age differences in personality traits: Universal and accurate?

Chan¹,

McCrae²,

Fruyt³

et al. 2012

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

104

101

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Age trajectories for personality traits are known to be similar across cultures. To address whether stereotypes of age groups reflect these age-related changes in personality, we asked participants in 26 countries (N = 3,323) to rate typical adolescents, adults, and old persons in their own country. Raters across nations tended to share similar beliefs about different age groups; adolescents were seen as impulsive, rebellious, undisciplined, preferring excitement and novelty, whereas old people were consistently considered lower on impulsivity, activity, antagonism, and Openness. These consensual age group stereotypes correlated strongly with published age differences on the five major dimensions of personality and most of 30 specific traits, using as criteria of accuracy both self-reports and observer ratings, different survey methodologies, and data from up to 50 nations. However, personal stereotypes were considerably less accurate, and consensual stereotypes tended to exaggerate differences across age groups.

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mentioning

confidence: 99%

Stereotypes of age differences in personality traits: Universal and accurate?

Chan¹,

McCrae²,

Fruyt³

et al. 2012

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

104

101

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“…Research reviewed above has indicated that the two senses of humanness are differently related to stages of individual development , with uniquely human and human nature traits seen as late emerging and early emerging, respectively. In the same vein, our work on lay conceptions of personality change (Haslam, Bastian, Fox, & Whelan, 2007) indicates that traits associated with human uniqueness (e.g., conscientiousness) are perceived as increasing with age, whereas those associated with human nature (e.g., extraversion and neuroticism) are seen as decreasing. Similar developmental trajectories may be perceived for societal development, where refinement, sophistication, and rationality rise with modernity, but at the cost of a loss of warmth and authentic emotionality.…”

Section: Haslam Et Almentioning

confidence: 86%

Attributing and denying humanness to others

Haslam

Loughnan

Kashima

et al. 2008

European Review of Social Psychology

Self Cite

219

199

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We review a programme of research on the attribution of humanness to people, and the ways in which lesser humanness is attributed to some compared to others. We first present evidence that humanness has two distinct senses, one representing properties that are unique to our species, and the other-human nature-those properties that are essential or fundamental to the human category. An integrative model of dehumanisation is then laid out, in which distinct forms of dehumanisation correspond to the denial of the two senses of humanness, and the likening of people to particular kinds of nonhuman entities (animals and machines). Studies demonstrating that human nature attributes are ascribed more to the self than to others are reviewed, along with evidence of the phenomenon's cognitive and motivational basis. Research also indicates that both kinds of humanness are commonly denied to social groups, both explicitly and implicitly, and that they may cast a new light on the study of stereotype content. Our approach to the study of dehumanisation complements the tradition of research on infrahumanisation, and indicates new directions for exploring the importance of humanness as a dimension of social perception.Humanness is a fundamental but neglected concept in social psychology. We ascribe it to some entities and deny it to others, and these ascriptions and denials have real consequences. On the one hand, we attribute humanness to ourselves and to other members of our species in a way that is taken for granted, but also perceive some nonhuman entities as if they were human. Beloved pets, temperamental computers, and spiritual beings are sometimes Correspondence should be addressed to Nick Haslam, Downloaded by [Selcuk Universitesi] at 22:04 08 February 2015anthropomorphised, and seen to possess desires, beliefs, and emotions much like our own. On the other hand, history is riddled with occasions when some groups of people have been denied their humanity. Perceiving others as less than human, likening them to beasts or unfeeling objects, and treating them with inhumanity are common occurrences in times of war, genocide, and ethnic conflict. Denials of humanness can also be observed in more everyday phenomena: common terms of abuse compare people to nonhuman entities, individuals who violate social norms are described as beasts or monsters in the news media, and discourse about race and gender contains explicit or thinly veiled comparisons of people to animals. These forms of dehumanisation are, in short, frequently employed strategies in intergroup contexts.This chapter reviews recent research and theory on humanness and the ways in which it is ascribed or denied to others, a topic that has begun to attract lively theoretical and empirical interest. We first attempt the basic theoretical task of clarifying the meaning of humanness, a notoriously slippery concept. Taking off from an important and influential line of research on infrahumanisation (Demoulin et al., 2004b), which defines humanness as that which is unique to ...

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“…However, contrary to our expectations, conscientiousness was not related to subjective age among middle-aged and older adults when considered simultaneously with the other personality traits defined by the FFM. One potential explanation concerns the fact that when conscientious people grow older, their typical way of thinking, behaving and feeling align with existing personality stereotypes of aging according to which conscientiousness is higher in middle and older age (Haslam et al, 2007; Igier & Mullet, 2003). Therefore, these individuals may feel similar to their own age-group and the stereotypical older adults.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Personality, self-rated health, and subjective age in a life-span sample: The moderating role of chronological age.

Stéphan

Demulier

Terracciano

2012

Psychology and Aging

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The present study tested whether chronological age moderates the association between subjective age and self-rated health and personality in a community-dwelling lifespan sample (N=1,016; agerange: 18-91). Self-rated health, extraversion, and openness to experience were associated with a younger subjective age at older ages. Conscientious individuals felt more mature early in life. Conscientiousness, neuroticism, and agreeableness were not related to subjective age at older ages. These findings suggest that with aging self-rated health and personality traits are increasingly important for subjective age.Keywords subjective age; personality; self-rated health; lifespan A growing body of research emphasizes the subjectivity of the aging process, as illustrated by the consistent finding that despite age-related changes, the majority of older adults feel younger than they actually are (Montepare, 2009;Mock & Eibach, 2011;Rubin & Berntsen, 2006). The tendency to feel younger or older than one's actual age is considered a crucial construct in old age, with implications for a variety of physical and psychological outcomes, including well-being (Stephan, Caudroit, & Chalabaev, 2011) and longevity (Kotter-Grühn, Kleinspehn-Ammerlahn, Gerstorf, & Smith, 2009). Drawing upon a lifespan developmental view, researchers have emphasized that more than being just a phenomenon specific to older adults, the discrepancy between subjective and chronological age emerges early in adulthood and changes across the lifespan (Galambos, Turner, & Tilton-Weaver, 2005;Montepare, 2009;Rubin & Berntsen, 2006). For example, younger adults feel the same age or slightly older than their actual age but feel increasingly younger than their actual age as they grow older (Galambos et al., 2005;Rubin & Berntsen, 2006). As a result, researchers have called for a lifespan approach to the study of the determinants of subjective age, with the assumption that their contribution may vary as a function of individuals' chronological age (Montepare, 2009). Although a great deal of research has focused on the predictors of subjective age, relatively few studies have considered the moderating role of chronological age.* Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Yannick Stephan, University of Among a set of potential predictors, self-rated health has been consistently found to account for a substantial proportion of variance in subjective age, whereas sociodemographic factors such as gender and education play only a minor role (Barak & Stern, 1986;Barrett, 2003;Hubley & Russell, 2009;Infurna, Gerstorf, Robertson, Berg, & Zarit, 2010;Rubin & Berntsen, 2006). However, little research has examined the possibility that the self-rated health-subjective age relationship might vary as function of chronological age. The only exception is Hubley and Russell (2009), who found that self-rated health explained a slightly greater proportion of subjective age for individuals 70 to 97 years old than for 55 to 69 years old. From a lifespan perspective...

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Beliefs about personality change and continuity

Cited by 29 publications

References 16 publications

Stereotypes of age differences in personality traits: Universal and accurate?

Stereotypes of age differences in personality traits: Universal and accurate?

Attributing and denying humanness to others

Personality, self-rated health, and subjective age in a life-span sample: The moderating role of chronological age.

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