“Being black and feeling blue”: the mental health consequences of racial discrimination

Brown, Tony N.; Williams, David R.; Jackson, James S.; Neighbors, Harold W.; Torres, Myriam E.; Sellers, Sherrill L.; Brown, Kendrick T.

doi:10.1016/s1090-9524(00)00010-3

Cited by 420 publications

(352 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…The current findings are also similar to other studies that have demonstrated that depressive symptomology, as well as other mental health disorders, are positively associated with perceived discrimination (Burgess et al, 2008;Gee, Ro, Gavin, & Takeuchi, 2008;Noh & Kaspar, 2003;Pascoe & Richman, 2009;Schulz et al, 2006). For example, findings from Brown et al (2000), using three waves of longitudinal data, demonstrated that reports of discrimination at Wave 2 were associated with psychological distress at Wave 3. Yet psychological distress and depression at Wave 2 were not associated with reports of discrimination at Wave 3 (Brown et al, 2000).…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 91%

Discrimination in Health Care: Correlates of Health Care Discrimination Among Black Males

2015

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Using data from the Indiana Black Men's Health Study (N = 455), a community-based sample of adult Black men, the primary aim of this study was to explore factors of health care discrimination, and to examine if such reports differed by age and the frequency of race thoughts. Approximately one in four men reported experiencing discrimination in the health care setting. Results from the multivariable logistic regression models suggested that frequent race thoughts (odds ratio [OR]: 1.89, p < .05), not having health insurance (OR: 1.80, p < .05), and increased depressive symptomology (OR: 1.06, p < .01) were positively associated with reports of health care discrimination. A multiplicative interaction coefficient of age and frequency of race thoughts was included to determine if health care discrimination differed by age and frequency of race thoughts (OR: 1.03, p = .08). Results from the predicted probability plot suggested that the likelihood of experiencing health care discrimination decreases with age (OR: 0.97, p < .05). In particular, results suggested that between the ages of 33 and 53 years, Black men who experienced frequent race thoughts were more likely to report experiences of discrimination in the health care setting than men of the same age that did not experience frequent race thoughts. These results highlight the need for empirical work to better understand the experiences of Black men, a group less likely to utilize health care services than most adult groups within the health care setting.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 91%

Discrimination in Health Care: Correlates of Health Care Discrimination Among Black Males

2015

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“…Although this argues against reciprocal causation, longitudinal data are needed. Notably, longitudinal studies previously have shown that experiences of racial bias can affect subsequent levels of psychological stress (Brown et al, 2000) and that both racial bias and adverse emotional responses can affect the subsequent use of substances (Gibbons et al, 2010).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Adversity, Stress, and Alcohol Problems: Are Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Poor More Vulnerable?

Mulia

Zemore

2012

J. Stud. Alcohol Drugs

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ABSTRACT. Objective: Experiences of racial/ethnic bias and unfair treatment are risk factors for alcohol problems, and population differences in exposure to these social adversities (i.e., differential exposure) may contribute to alcohol-related disparities. Differential vulnerability is another plausible mechanism underlying health disparities, yet few studies have examined whether populations differ in their vulnerability to the effects of social adversity on psychological stress and the effects of psychological stress on alcohol problems. Method: Data from the 2005 U.S. National Alcohol Survey (N = 4,080 adult drinkers) were analyzed using structural equation modeling to assess an overall model of pathways linking social adversity, depressive symptoms, heavy drinking, and alcohol dependence. Multiple group analyses were conducted to assess differences in the model's relationships among Blacks versus Whites, Hispanics versus Whites, and the poor (income below the federal poverty line) versus non-poor (income above the poverty line). Results:The overall model explained 48% of the variance in alcohol dependence and revealed signifi cant pathways between social adversity and alcohol dependence involving depressive symptoms and heavy drinking. The effects of social adversity and depressive symptoms were no different among Blacks and Hispanics compared with Whites. However, the poor (vs. non-poor) showed stronger associations between unfair treatment and depressive symptoms and between depressive symptoms and heavy drinking. Conclusions: Contrary to some prior studies, these fi ndings suggest that racial disparities in alcohol problems may be more a function of racial/ethnic minorities' greater exposure, rather than vulnerability, to chronic stressors such as social adversity. However, observed differences between the poor and non-poor imply that differential vulnerability contributes to socioeconomic disparities in alcohol problems. Efforts to reduce both differential exposure and vulnerability might help to mitigate these disparities. (J. Stud. Alcohol Drugs, 73, 570-580, 2012)

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“…[1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9] Explicit bias diminishes physical and mental health of Blacks. 6,[10][11][12][13][14] Blacks across age groups are victims of explicit and implicit racial bias.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Interaction Between Race and Gender and Effect on Implicit Racial Bias Against Blacks

Assari

2018

Int J Epidemiol Res

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Background and aims: Exposure and vulnerability to racial discrimination is not solely a function of race but the intersection of race and gender, with Black men experiencing more discrimination than Black women. This phenomenon is explained by the subordinate male target hypothesis, suggesting that majority men specifically target men of color. If that is the case, implicit bias would be most common among the majority men. The current cross-sectional study investigated race by gender differences in implicit bias against Blacks. Methods: Data came from Harvard University's Project Implicit, an online survey, conducted during 2006-2016. Data included 444 422 implicit association tests (IATs) which were taken by Blacks (n=56 384) and Whites (n=388 038). Using IAT, the dependent variable was implicit bias against Blacks. Independent variables were race, gender, and age. Using SPSS, linear regressions were utilized to test the additive and multiplicative effects of race and gender on implicit bias against Blacks. Results: Race (b = 0.39; 95% CI = 0.38-0.39) and gender (b = 0.05; 95% CI = 0.05-0.05) were associated with IAT score suggesting higher implicit bias against Blacks among Whites and men. A significant interaction was found between race and gender (b = 0.05; 95% CI = 0.04-0.07), suggesting the highest level of implicit bias against Blacks among White men. Conclusion: It is not solely race and gender but their intersection that shapes social distribution of implicit bias against Blacks. This finding extends the previous literature showing that not solely race or gender but their intersection influences exposure to discrimination.

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“Being black and feeling blue”: the mental health consequences of racial discrimination

Cited by 420 publications

References 22 publications

Discrimination in Health Care: Correlates of Health Care Discrimination Among Black Males

Discrimination in Health Care: Correlates of Health Care Discrimination Among Black Males

Social Adversity, Stress, and Alcohol Problems: Are Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Poor More Vulnerable?

Interaction Between Race and Gender and Effect on Implicit Racial Bias Against Blacks

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