“…The use of “others” (studied in Japan referring to East Asian people in a sociological approach to emotions (Asahina 2019 )) reveals a dissociation in sociability with an ontological perspective considering what we are and what we stand for. Precisely, in our study, “others” are communists and terrorists who want to steal “the progress” from the last thirty years in Chile.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this work, we have considered studies from Japan (Asahina 2019 ; Schäfer et al. 2017 ; Mintal and Vancel 2019 ), Taiwan (Wang et al 2020 ), India (Neyazi 2019 ), Turkey (Erdogan-Ozturk and Isik-Guler 2020 ; Çöltekin 2020 ), Germany (Jaki and Smedt 2019 ), United States (Forscher and Kteily 2019 ), Canada (Bouvier 2020 ; Rheault and Musulan 2020 ), and Latin America (Castillo et al.…”
The concept of “politics of the end” assumes the catastrophe of living in a world that produces new forms of accumulation and allows symbolic and semiotic capital to create value. Currently, various far-right movements worldwide seem to appropriate this concept, employing radical communication strategies as a repertoire to contest the public agenda. These strategies include the massive creation of bots on social networks to spread hate speech and coordinate ideological manifestations. This article seeks to verify the use of these strategies by the Chilean far-right on Twitter. For the above, a social network analysis approach is proposed during the current socio-political crisis in Chile, which began with the massive protests of October 2019 and led to an unprecedented constituent process. For nine months, we studied five opinion leaders on Twitter from the Chilean far-right, who together have more than 600 thousand followers and almost 130 thousand followings. Through descriptive, quantitative, and qualitative techniques, an explicit political action “from the resistance” is revealed in the activity of the network, which includes hundreds of new users and coordinated bots to disseminate identifiable discourses with strongly ideological ideas. This coordination also presents identifiable differences in how opinion leaders interact and communicate with their network environment.
“…The use of “others” (studied in Japan referring to East Asian people in a sociological approach to emotions (Asahina 2019 )) reveals a dissociation in sociability with an ontological perspective considering what we are and what we stand for. Precisely, in our study, “others” are communists and terrorists who want to steal “the progress” from the last thirty years in Chile.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this work, we have considered studies from Japan (Asahina 2019 ; Schäfer et al. 2017 ; Mintal and Vancel 2019 ), Taiwan (Wang et al 2020 ), India (Neyazi 2019 ), Turkey (Erdogan-Ozturk and Isik-Guler 2020 ; Çöltekin 2020 ), Germany (Jaki and Smedt 2019 ), United States (Forscher and Kteily 2019 ), Canada (Bouvier 2020 ; Rheault and Musulan 2020 ), and Latin America (Castillo et al.…”
The concept of “politics of the end” assumes the catastrophe of living in a world that produces new forms of accumulation and allows symbolic and semiotic capital to create value. Currently, various far-right movements worldwide seem to appropriate this concept, employing radical communication strategies as a repertoire to contest the public agenda. These strategies include the massive creation of bots on social networks to spread hate speech and coordinate ideological manifestations. This article seeks to verify the use of these strategies by the Chilean far-right on Twitter. For the above, a social network analysis approach is proposed during the current socio-political crisis in Chile, which began with the massive protests of October 2019 and led to an unprecedented constituent process. For nine months, we studied five opinion leaders on Twitter from the Chilean far-right, who together have more than 600 thousand followers and almost 130 thousand followings. Through descriptive, quantitative, and qualitative techniques, an explicit political action “from the resistance” is revealed in the activity of the network, which includes hundreds of new users and coordinated bots to disseminate identifiable discourses with strongly ideological ideas. This coordination also presents identifiable differences in how opinion leaders interact and communicate with their network environment.
“…As mentioned above, in appealing to collective emotions, Japanese right-wing activists—both men and women—often express anger (see also Asahina, 2019). At other times, however, and perhaps less noted, female activists mediate other more subtle emotions, such as joy, and evoke “cuteness.” One female addition to nationalist activism in Japan is thus the way in which some women draw on and invoke the “kawaii-culture,” which originally stems from Tokyo’s Harajuku district.…”
Section: The Micro-practices Of Female Japanese Nationalistsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This article contributes to the existing research by focusing on the Japanese female nationalist context. 1 Earlier engagements with this topic have focused on either the causes or the consequences of female Japanese nationalist activism (Asahina, 2019; Yamaguchi, 2013, 2018). In this article, however, we rather square in on the discourses that mobilize Japanese women to this kind of activism, and investigate how female nationalist agency is articulated and enacted through everyday micro-practices (See Hagström, Ha, & Öberg, 2022).…”
There is an emerging debate about the role and importance of women in right-wing nationalist movements. Drawing on research that highlights the need to study such women as active and complex political agents, this article examines a phenomenon that has previously received little attention—the activism of female Japanese nationalists. We approach the question of how such activism is practiced by analyzing a group interview with female nationalists, a nationalist manga centering on women’s experiences, and autobiographic books on such activism by and for Japanese women. The article contributes by arguing that female nationalist agency in Japan is a complex phenomenon, which is enacted through everyday micro-practices. It outlines how female nationalist activism draws upon and enhances, as well as challenges and transcends, a traditional Japanese “housewife identity.” As such, the female Japanese nationalist is imagined as having access to certain truths. She takes on the role of “truth-teller,” who is playing a strategic role in “waking people up” to the nationalist cause by voicing anger but also making space for a more “joyful,” “cute,” and inconspicuous everyday activism.
“…These online sites became recruiting tools to find new participants-membership grew rapidly after people uploaded videos of their first high-profile demonstration in 2009. 133 Korean schools were often the targets of the first series of Zaitokukai hate rallies. One of the most highly publicized incidents involved a series of hate rallies organized between 2009 and 2010 in front of the Kyoto No.…”
Why has right-wing activism in Japan, despite its persistence throughout the postwar era, only gained significant traction recently? Focusing on the Zaitokukai, an anti-Korean movement in Japan, this article demonstrates how the new Far Right were able to popularize formerly stigmatized right-wing ideas. The Zaitokukai represents a political group distinct from the traditional right and reflective of new Far Right movements spreading worldwide. In Japan, concerns about the growing influence of South Korea and China in the 1980s as well as the decline of left-wing norms opened up a discursive opportunity for the new Far Right. By framing Korean postcolonial minorities as undeserving recipients of social welfare benefits, the Zaitokukai mobilized perceptions of threat that has continued to powerfully influence public perceptions of Koreans even following the group’s organizational decline. While past research has focused on the new Far Right’s political influence, this article stresses their roles as ideological entrepreneurs.
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