Base borders: Militarisation and (post-)colonial bordering in Okinawa

Nishiyama, Hidefumi

doi:10.1177/23996544221097232

Cited by 2 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…More than 70% of USFJ are allocated in the prefecture (Okinawa Prefectural Government, 2021, p. 3; Ministry of Defense, 2021) and, more precisely, on Okinawa Island (Okinawa hontō), where 15% of the land area is occupied by the military. The militarisation of Okinawa Island is a direct result of the dual colonial domination of Japan and the United States (Akibayashi & Takazato, 2009;McCormack & Norimatsu, 2018;Nishiyama, 2022a). The islands that constitute the prefecture were formerly unified as the independent Ryukyu Kingdom until Japan annexed them in the late 19th century.…”

Section: The Okinawan Indigenous Movementmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…On Okinawa Island, in particular, such ongoing colonialism is manifested in the heavy US military presence, which is maintained by Japanese post‐colonial policies. In consequence, Okinawan activists have been engaging in various resistance movements to demilitarise and re‐appropriate their own (is)land (Akibayashi & Takazato, 2009; McCormack & Norimatsu, 2018; Nishiyama, 2022a, 2022b). The Okinawan indigenous movement is one of their resistance movements, which, as the paper will show, has important implications for contemporary debates in the fields of decolonial, indigenous, and island geographies.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Decolonial encounter with neo‐nationalism: The politics of indigeneity and land rights struggles in Okinawa

Nishiyama

2022

Trans Inst British Geog

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This paper aims to make a contribution to ongoing debates in decolonial, indigenous, and island geographies through a case study of the Okinawan indigenous movement and its recent encounter with a neo-nationalist, and in effect neocolonial, movement. The Okinawan indigenous movement emerged against the backdrop of the continuing US military presence on Okinawa Island, which is the direct result of the post-war American military occupation and continues to be maintained by Japanese post-colonial policies. In the early 2000s, the movement achieved indigenous recognition by United Nations human rights bodies, which have since issued recommendations to the Japanese government to implement protective measures for the islanders, including indigenous land rights measures that are hoped to alleviate the militarised colonial situation. Not only does the Japanese government continue to ignore the recommendations, but the Okinawan indigenous movement today also confronts a new form of neocolonialism. In the past few years, a group of neo-nationalists and conservative politicians have initiated a countermovement against the Okinawan indigenous status. They have mobilised the unpopularity of the term 'indigenous people' in Japanese ('senjūmin') among Okinawans as a pretext for demanding the retraction of the recommendations. The case study shows that the different conceptualisations of decolonisation and indigeneity represent not only an analytical usefulness but also an empirical importance for they create a space in which these ideas can be (ab)used to both promote and hinder a decolonial pursuit of the reappropriation of colonised (is)lands. It illustrates a particular geopolitics of knowledge in which different actors mobilise different understandings of decolonisation and indigeneity for a decolonial or neocolonial end. The paper concludes with a discussion of the challenges for decolonial geographies that arise from the present study.

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Section: The Okinawan Indigenous Movementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%