Abstract:The following study, funded by the National Institute of Drug Abuse (NIDA), utilized the Addiction Belief Inventory (ABI; Luke, Ribisl, Walton, & Davidson, 2002) to examine addiction attitudes in a national sample of U.S. college/university faculty teaching addiction-specific courses (n=215). Results suggest that addiction educators view substance abuse as a coping mechanism rather than a moral failure, and are ambivalent about calling substance abuse or addiction a disease. Most do not support individual effi… Show more
“…The ‘brain disease model’ of addiction is ostensibly a technical, apolitical framing of the concept, which mobilizes science and evidence rather than ideology. Yet research on the reception of the brain disease model by neuroscientists and clinicians (Bell et al, 2014), practitioners in drug treatment services (Broadus et al, 2010), and lay publics (Meurk et al, 2013), indicates scepticism about it (also see Martin, 2010, concerning mental illness). This scepticism comes from fears that the disease model will replace multifactorial approaches to alcohol and other drug use, and side-line human agency and choice.…”
Section: Debating Addiction the Brain And Materialitymentioning
Over the last few decades feminists, science and technology studies scholars and others have grappled with how to take materiality into account in understanding social practices, subjectivity and events. One key area for these debates has been drug use and addiction. At the same time, neuroscientific accounts of drug use and addiction have also arisen. This development has attracted criticism as simplistically reinstating material determinism. In this article we draw on 80 interviews with health professionals directly involved in drug-related public policy and service provision in three countries to identify the main ways the neuroscience of addiction (and thus the agency of the brain) is understood. We analyse these understandings using contemporary posthumanist theory to develop new options for conceptualizing matter in public responses to addiction. We close by calling for a new approach to addiction and the brain based on a process model of materiality and public debate.
“…The ‘brain disease model’ of addiction is ostensibly a technical, apolitical framing of the concept, which mobilizes science and evidence rather than ideology. Yet research on the reception of the brain disease model by neuroscientists and clinicians (Bell et al, 2014), practitioners in drug treatment services (Broadus et al, 2010), and lay publics (Meurk et al, 2013), indicates scepticism about it (also see Martin, 2010, concerning mental illness). This scepticism comes from fears that the disease model will replace multifactorial approaches to alcohol and other drug use, and side-line human agency and choice.…”
Section: Debating Addiction the Brain And Materialitymentioning
Over the last few decades feminists, science and technology studies scholars and others have grappled with how to take materiality into account in understanding social practices, subjectivity and events. One key area for these debates has been drug use and addiction. At the same time, neuroscientific accounts of drug use and addiction have also arisen. This development has attracted criticism as simplistically reinstating material determinism. In this article we draw on 80 interviews with health professionals directly involved in drug-related public policy and service provision in three countries to identify the main ways the neuroscience of addiction (and thus the agency of the brain) is understood. We analyse these understandings using contemporary posthumanist theory to develop new options for conceptualizing matter in public responses to addiction. We close by calling for a new approach to addiction and the brain based on a process model of materiality and public debate.
“…However, there is not universal support for the idea that addiction is a disease. A national survey of higher education faculty who teach courses about addiction found very low support (less than 20%) for the notion that addiction is a disease (Broadus, Hartje, Roget, Cahoon, & Clinkinbeard, 2010). Other research has shown that while some may view addiction as a disease, it is not as high as the proportion that views mental illness as a disease (Alcoholism and Drug Abuse Weekly, 2010; Corrigan, Kuwabara, & O’Shaughnessy, 2009).…”
Section: Research On Drug Policy Attitudesmentioning
This study examined how a respondent's addiction framework (i.e., whether they conceptualized addiction as a medical-social or a moral problem) was associated with their attitudes toward expanding treatment for drug offenders via funding for California's Proposition 36. Using a 2012 California Field Poll, the author created scales to assess an individual's addiction framework. Logistic regression was used to assess how well the addiction frameworks correlated with support for expanding Proposition 36. Results showed that those who held a stronger medical-social framework for conceptualizing addiction were more likely to support the expansion of Proposition 36, while those who perceived addiction as a moral problem were less likely to support the expansion of Proposition 36. Addiction frameworks were strongly related to policy attitudes even after controlling for many other factors, including race and political ideology. How one conceptualizes addiction is a key factor for understanding their views on drug policy.
“…There was also an association between attaining a college degree and views about addiction as a disease. There were no significant differences between women and men in their attitudes toward addiction as a disease (Broadus et al, 2010).…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 92%
“…In the United States, Broadus et al (2010) found that more than half of the respondents (57.5%) were in the neutral range, less than 20 percent of respondents believed that addiction is a disease, and most respondents (93.3%) believed that people living with addictions are responsible for their recovery. There was also an association between attaining a college degree and views about addiction as a disease.…”
Social reintegration is necessary to support people in recovery from addiction, but it is often difficult in Palestine due to stigma. Bin Hussein’s instrument for measuring receptivity to social reintegration in various contexts in Saudi Arabia was employed for comparison in the West Bank. Data were collected in 2013 at Al-Quds University at the Abu Dis campus. More than half of the respondents have moderate attitudes toward social reintegration of people in recovery. There were no significant relationships between perceptions about social reintegration and gender, age, year in college, area of academic focus, and form of residence. Implications are discussed.
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