Aspectual Verbs in European and Brazilian Portuguese

Oliveira, Fátima; Cunha, Luís Filipe; Gonçalves, Anabela

doi:10.5334/jpl.22

Cited by 9 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…Admitimos que essa gramaticalização tem uma contrapartida na estrutura sintática frásica. Assumimos que na estrutura de frase de qualquer língua, Asp é a categoria que codifica o Aspecto Gramatical (e.g., Belletti, 1990, Dermidache e Uribe-Etxebarria, 2000, Iatridou et al, 2001, Schmitt, 2000, Oliveira et al, 2004, e vP é a categoria que determina os aspectos essenciais do Aspecto Lexical (aktionsart) (cf. Hale e Keyser, 1993, Chomsky, 2000.…”

Section: Proposta Alternativa Do Parâmetro Do Vp Nulo 321 Gramaticunclassified

Elipse do VP e variação paramétrica

Cyrino

Matos

2011

Cad. Est. Ling.

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Data from English show that VP ellipsis only occurs when, in Syntax, a verbal element is in a functional head that locally c-comands the ellipsis. However, if we accept this analysis, we cannot explain languages in which T and C have uninterpretable features that force the verb to move beforeSpell Out but do not allow VP ellipsis, as in Spanish, French and German. In this paper we defend that whatever determines parametric variation in VP ellipsis is related to whether or not the verbal element that occupies the licensing functional head locally c-commands the immediate projection that is interpretedas the sentence verbal predicate. If there is an intervening projection between the licensing node and the projection interpreted as the sentence verbal predicate, VP ellipsis is not possible. We will rely on parametric differences involving AspP, showing that languages will vary in allowing Asp to be an extension of vP, and hence permitting or not VP ellipsis.

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Section: Proposta Alternativa Do Parâmetro Do Vp Nulo 321 Gramaticunclassified

Elipse do VP e variação paramétrica

Cyrino

Matos

2011

Cad. Est. Ling.

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“…Concerning their role in the sentence, these verbs can be classified either as aspectual operators (Oliveira, Cunha, Matos & Gonçalves, 2001;Oliveira, 2003;Oliveira, Cunha & Gonçalves, 2004) or aspectualizers (Verkuyl, 1999;Wachowicz, 2007). In all these cases what is focused on is their role in modifying or restricting the internal temporal structure of the eventualities they take as complements.…”

Section: What Are Aspectual Verbs?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Bare plurals and achievements: a case study of aspectual verbs

Bertucci¹,

Vinicius

Santos

2010

Journal of Portuguese Linguistics

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This paper aims to analyse in what way Brazilian Portuguese bare plurals affect the aspectual structure of a sentence whose VP is headed by an achievement verb. In order to achieve this goal, we will study the interaction of these VPs composed by achievements with aspectual verbs. We will argue that: a) achievements do not have the property of S-cumulativity (Rothstein, 2004), b) aspectual verbs select as complements predicates which have the property of S-cumulativity, and c) the property of S-cumulativity is the semantic contribution given by bare plurals to the aspectual structure of the sentence. Based on these ideas, we predict that the sentences formed by the combination of an aspectual verb and a VP whose structure is [achievement verb-NP] will be grammatical only if the NP complement of the achievement verb is a bare plural. This is the way by which this constituent will satisfy the selectional constraints imposed by the aspectual verb.  This paper was presented at the Workshop "Bare Plurals and Indefinites", in Florianópolis, Brazil, June 2009. We thank the audience for comments and criticisms. We are especially grateful to Susan Rothstein for helpful explanations about her theory and to two anonymous JPL reviewers whose comments and suggestions helped us to improve the first draft. Finally, we would like to thank the financial support received from the following agencies: CAPES/COFECUB (grant 2793/09-1), FAPESP (grant 07/58451-7), CAPES/PDEE (grant 2369/09-5) and CNPq (grant 140133/2006-2). All errors and inadequacies are ours.

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“…interact, converging to build up the global aspectual meaning of the denoted situation. 23 In the framework of the Principles and Parameters Theory, especially within the Minimalist Program, it has sometimes been suggested that Grammatical Aspect corresponds to a specific category, Asp, heading a functional Projection, AspP (e.g., Belletti 1990, Dermidache and Uribe--Etxebarria 2000, Iatridou et al 2001, Schmitt 2001, Oliveira et al 2004. Lexical Aspect is mainly captured by the light verb projection (vP), a hybrid category presenting both lexical (predicative) and functional properties (cf.…”

Section: Parameterization Across Some Romance and Germanic Languagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Local licensers and recovering in VP ellipsis

Cyrino

Matos

2005

Journal of Portuguese Linguistics

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The core properties of VP ellipsis in English and Portuguese may be captured assuming that the elliptical constituent is licensed under local c-command by a verbal element in a sentence functional head. However, the lack of VP ellipsis in most Romance languages and in German, despite the existence of verb movement to sentence functional projections in these languages, suggests that a parameter is involved. Empirical evidence indicates that this parametric variation should not be attributed to a specific functional head because the functional head occupied by the verbal licenser may vary across languages and language varieties. So we will claim that the existence vs. absence of VP ellipsis in the languages considered in this study is due to the features of the functional head that intervenes between the verbal licenser and the elliptical vP phase.

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Aspectual Verbs in European and Brazilian Portuguese

Abstract: This paper is about the semantics and the syntax of aspectual verbs in

Cited by 9 publications

References 3 publications

Elipse do VP e variação paramétrica

Elipse do VP e variação paramétrica

Bare plurals and achievements: a case study of aspectual verbs

Local licensers and recovering in VP ellipsis

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