Aspectual classes and aspectual composition

Verkuyl, Henk J.

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511597848.004

Cited by 26 publications

(45 citation statements)

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“…At the same time, but at a different level, aspectual notions are crucial in articulating the formal semantics of auxiliaries, the contribution of adverbials and PPs, and are implicated in the descriptions of traditional inflectional categories such as 'perfective' and 'imperfective' (Kamp and Rohrer 1983, Parsons 1990, Higginbotham 2001, de Swart 1996. Within the semantics literature on aspect, a distinction is often drawn between 'inner' and 'outer' aspect (Verkuyl 1989), sometimes phrased as 'telicity' versus 'perfectivity' (Borik 2002) or 'telicity' versus 'boundedness' (Depraetere 1995). This distinction in turn is assumed to map onto lexically determined aspect ('aktionsart'), versus phrasally or contextually determined aspect.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…With respect to aspectual temporal notions, I will be agreeing with the view that 'inner' and 'outer' aspect are composed of the same ingredients but at different levels of clause structure (cf. Verkuyl 1989). However, aspect as a whole embeds a phase that represents a qualitatively different stage of linguistic semantic composition-that of event structure.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Time and the event: The semantics of Russian prefixes

Ramchand¹

2005

NLY

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In this paper, I draw on data from prefixation in Russian to argue for a basic distinction between event structure and temporal structure. I present a linguistic semantics of verb and argument structure interpretation on the one hand, and a formal semantic implementation of 'telicity' on the other, which makes sense of the generalisations apparently common to both domains. I will claim that the temporal domain embeds the event structure domain, and that the latter constrains the former. At the same time, the different formal primitives that operate at the levels proposed form the basis for a principled linguistic distinction between the two tiers of composition: the event structure level encodes subevental relations and predicational relations within those subevents; the temporal structure level introduces a t variable explicitly and relates it to the structure built up by the event level. Whether the event structure is homogenous or not will have an impact on whether the temporal variable chosen will be 'definite' or 'indefinite.' This latter claim then forms the basis for a new conception of the difference between perfective and imperfective verb forms in Russian.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Time and the event: The semantics of Russian prefixes

Ramchand¹

2005

NLY

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“…Ce schéma est assez proche de ceux traditionnellement établis dans le domaine verbal (voir par exemple Mourelatos 1978, Bach 1986, Verkuyl 1989 Pour approfondir l'examen de la fidélité aspectuelle entre les verbes et leurs dérivés nominaux, il faut s'interroger sur les nominalisations des verbes dont l'aspect lexical est considéré comme sous-déterminé, ou multiple (en cas de polysémie marquée). Nous nous pencherons ici sur quelques cas emblématiques.…”

Section: Non Culminantes Culminantesunclassified

Du verbe au nom : calques et décalages aspectuels

Haas¹,

Huyghe²,

Marín³

2008

Congrès Mondial De Linguistique Française 2008

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“…(Warlpiri Dictionary Project 1993) This suggests that the aspectual clitics originate in a position with scope over the verb and preverb. This positioning is expected on crosslinguistic grounds; imperfective and perfective aspect are referred to in the literature as viewpoint aspect (Smith 1991) or outer aspect (Verkuyl 1989), positioned syntactically between the verb phrase and TP (Kratzer 1998;Matthewson 2002;Ramchand 2004;Zagona 2004, among many others). If this discussion is on the right track, the preverbs and verbs originate in the verb phrase and form a syntactic and phonological unit, while the aspectual clitics originate outside the verb phrase.…”

Section: Evilone-ergmentioning

confidence: 99%

Warlpiri and the theory of second position clitics

Legate

2008

Nat Language Linguistic Theory

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This paper examines the placement of aspect and agreement clitics in Warlpiri. A common misconception regarding clitic placement in Warlpiri is cleared up: clitic placement does not depend on syllable count. It is also shown that these clitics do not uniformly appear in second position, syntactically or phonologically, making the standard label of "second position clitics" a misnomer. An analysis is developed in terms of syntactic head movement combined with local morphological reordering. The discussion also reveals a genuine morphological first word phenomenon, whereby a preverb may be split from its associated verb.

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Aspectual classes and aspectual composition

Cited by 26 publications

References 0 publications

Time and the event: The semantics of Russian prefixes

Time and the event: The semantics of Russian prefixes

Du verbe au nom : calques et décalages aspectuels

Warlpiri and the theory of second position clitics

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