Asian American Attitudes towards a US Citizenship Path for Illegal Immigrants: Immigration Reform as Racialised Politics

Samson, Frank L.

doi:10.1080/1369183x.2014.917044

Cited by 16 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…Table 2 presents the results of two ordinal logistic regression models assessing the impact of the primary independent variables (group consciousness, linked fate, and discrimination) on perceptions of commonality with African Americans among AAAUS. The first model includes only the primary independent variables; the second model includes all relevant control variables shown to affect attitudes in this survey (Samson 2015; Schildkraut 2013). Results from Model 1 support findings from Figure 1, demonstrating that although group consciousness and linked fate are associated with feelings of commonality with African Americans, experiences of discrimination are not.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Following past research and on the basis of the level of measurement of our dependent variable, we deemed ordinal logistic regression to be the most appropriate statistical method. Using these data and similar variables, ordinal logistic regression was used in this fashion by Samson (2015) and Sanchez (2008). Analyses were performed using Stata 14.0 (StataCorp, College Station, TX).…”

Section: Analytical Planmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Strength in Numbers: Perceptions of Political Commonality with African Americans among Asians and Asian Americans in the United States

Nicholson

Carter

Restar

2018

Sociology of Race and Ethnicity

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Asians are now the fastest growing racial minority group in the United States. Nearly 18 million Asians and Asian Americans currently reside in the country. Approximately 44 million African Americans also live in the United States. To improve their limited social, economic, and political clout, Asians and Asian Americans in the United States (AAAUS) could benefit from the formation of mutually beneficial political alliances with African Americans, another historically marginalized racial group. However, complicated relational dynamics between African Americans and AAAUS may drastically reduce the chances of political unity. Using the 2008 National Asian American Survey, the authors examine the effects of three factors—group consciousness, linked fate, and experiences of discrimination—on perceptions of political commonality with African Americans among AAAUS. The findings show that group consciousness and linked fate positively and strongly increase the odds of perceptions of political commonality with African Americans; however, experiences of discrimination do not. The results suggest that the cultivation of mutually beneficial political alliances between African Americans and AAAUS would first require AAAUS to develop a heightened sense of group consciousness and linked fate. The potential impact of these factors on future political alliances between both groups are discussed, as are the limitations of this study.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Analytical Planmentioning

confidence: 99%

Strength in Numbers: Perceptions of Political Commonality with African Americans among Asians and Asian Americans in the United States

Nicholson

Carter

Restar

2018

Sociology of Race and Ethnicity

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“…Racial resentment is a powerful predictor of support for public policies designed to increase racial equity. Hence, future research should, as Bobo and Tuan (2006) stressed, consider wherever possible the roles of influential elites and the critical social cues, rhetoric, and mobilizing efforts in which they engage (Carter and Lippard 2015), as well as the sometimes unexpected and highly contingent behavioral effects of group position attitudes on patterns of socially consequential behavior (Samson 2015). As Blumer stressed from the outset, there is a collective, on-going process of social definition in the struggle over group position.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding “No Special Favors”

Simmons

2018

Du Bois Rev.

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Despite its predictive power, there is substantial debate about the attitudes measured by the racial resentment scale (RRS) and the relative weight of each. One group contends that the RRS is a valid measure of racial animus, foregrounding a basic psychological acrimony; some foreground social concerns about group status hierarchies; and yet others assert that the RRS is an invalid measure of racial enmity, instead primarily tapping non-racial principles and politics. We use a multimethod approach to address these debates, mapping the frames of reference respondents use in explaining their RRS answers. We find that the RRS fundamentally measures racial concerns and minimally taps non-racial politics. Although RRS responses reflect psychological acrimony, this orientation is substantially outweighed by social concerns about relative group position. Moreover, RRS responses substantially reflect beliefs about the relevance of race in the contemporary US and the sources of racial inequality, and values about individualism and fairness. We discuss how one of the most potent measures of present-day racial prejudice is rightly understood, and the implications for theory and research at the intersection of race and politics.

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“…The contemporary literature on Asian political participation tends to point toward limited levels of participation (Lien et al, 2001), but cautions against generalizations, arguing that Asian political views and participation are highly complex. Antiimmigrant laws and rhetoric tends to be associated with higher levels of political participation among immigrant populations (Ramakrishnan & Espinshade, 2001), commonality with other racial or ethnic groups relates to variation in public opinion (Samson, 2015b), and participation levels rapidly change from first to second and third generations (Ramakrishnan & Espinshade, 2001).…”

Section: Nativity and Public Opinionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Citizen Support for Military Expenditure Post–9/11

Simon

Lovrich

Liu

et al. 2017

Armed Forces & Society

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Citizens adjust their perceptions of military expenditure based largely on their worldview, as defined by their race, ethnicity, ideology, gender, socioeconomic status (SES), and education. Worldview might also reasonably be impacted by nativity. We explore the relationship between nativity and public opinion about military expenditure. Native-born survey respondents are less likely to believe that military expenditures are excessive than those born abroad. Race, ethnicity, ideology, nativity, and confidence in the military are the most significant variables used in explaining attitudes about military expenditure. Interaction analysis carried out for this article and reported here demonstrates that Hispanic and Asian ethnicity impacts on public perception of military expenditure are significantly greater when factoring in the nativity of survey respondents. With a growing portion of non-native-born citizens joining the electorate, public opinion analyses regarding military expenditure should take into account nativity as well as SES, gender, race, ideology, education, and ethnicity when seeking to explain public opinion dynamics.

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Asian American Attitudes towards a US Citizenship Path for Illegal Immigrants: Immigration Reform as Racialised Politics

Cited by 16 publications

References 40 publications

Strength in Numbers: Perceptions of Political Commonality with African Americans among Asians and Asian Americans in the United States

Strength in Numbers: Perceptions of Political Commonality with African Americans among Asians and Asian Americans in the United States

Understanding “No Special Favors”

Citizen Support for Military Expenditure Post–9/11

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