“…For more details on this point, seeBowles (2002) orBeeson (2003). In this respect, the recent move is more in line with Malaysia's initiative in the early 1990s to set up an East Asian Economic Caucus excluding the US.…”
mentioning
confidence: 79%
“…1 In other words, in contrast to the European experience, de facto regional integration remained unmatched by de jure integration 2 in this part of the world. Over the past few years, a number of analysts (Munakata 2004;Urata 2006;Bowles 2002) have pointed to signs of a paradigm shift from market-led to institution-based regional economic integration in East Asia, with the rise of the ASEAN?3 grouping (including the ASEAN 10 member countries, China, Japan and Korea) as a key development.…”
“…For more details on this point, seeBowles (2002) orBeeson (2003). In this respect, the recent move is more in line with Malaysia's initiative in the early 1990s to set up an East Asian Economic Caucus excluding the US.…”
mentioning
confidence: 79%
“…1 In other words, in contrast to the European experience, de facto regional integration remained unmatched by de jure integration 2 in this part of the world. Over the past few years, a number of analysts (Munakata 2004;Urata 2006;Bowles 2002) have pointed to signs of a paradigm shift from market-led to institution-based regional economic integration in East Asia, with the rise of the ASEAN?3 grouping (including the ASEAN 10 member countries, China, Japan and Korea) as a key development.…”
“…Not only did the United States insist on imposing conditions on the financial packages from the World Bank and the IMF, the former also rejected Japan's proposal of establishing an Asian Monetary Fund, seen as Asia's self-help effort addressing the financial turmoil (Webber, 2001;Stubbs, 2002). Therefore, regional resentment toward US arrogance and indifference directly led to the establishment of the APT in 1998 (Bowles, 2002). The APT originally aimed at promoting regional economic cooperation and coordination between Southeast Asian countries and three East Asian states, China, Japan and South Korea.…”
The rise of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) is gradually transforming the international system from a unipolar world toward multipolarity. China's ascent not only challenges US domination, but also intensifies the institutionalization of security in the Asia Pacific. On the basis of institutional balancing theory, I argue that (i) China's rise has led to a competition among different regional orders, that is, the US-led bilateralism versus ASEAN-centered and China-supported multilateralism. However, conflicts or wars are not inevitable since the contested regional orders can coexist in the Asia Pacific. (ii) The deepening economic interdependence has encouraged regional powers, including the United States, China and ASEAN, to rely on different institutional balancing strategies to pursue security after the Cold War.
“…Cela entraîna l'exclusion des puissances occidentales de la région Asie-Pacifique du processus de l'APT 42 . Cela montre aussi à quel point l'APT se veut une tentative régionale de dévelop-per des solutions adaptées aux vulnérabilités communes des États d'Asie de l'Est, loin des normes des puissances occidentales 43 . Elle met entre autres en lumière la prise de conscience par les chefs politiques et économiques de la région que le succès économique de l'Asie du Nord-Est et celui de l'Asie du Sud-Est sont intrinsèquement liés 44 .…”
Section: B -Les Perceptions Des Coalitions Politiques Nationalesunclassified
Résumé
Les projets de coopération régionale sont généralement menés par des puissances régionales, exception faite de l’anase qui, à l’inverse, se situe devant le Japon et la République populaire de Chine comme promoteur actuel du régionalisme. Inspirées de l’expérience européenne, les principales théories sur la coopération régionale sont d’une utilité limitée pour comprendre le succès des États faibles de l’anase. Une perspective institutionnaliste fondée sur une ontologie constructiviste sera privilégiée afin de démontrer que le rôle central de l’anase dans les initiatives régionales en Asie de l’Est est maintenu en raison de perceptions spécifiques de ses États membres. Ces derniers associent leur propre succès économique à l’expansion des normes et pratiques de l’anase, notamment par crainte d’être subordonnés politiquement et économiquement aux intérêts des puissances régionales.
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