Abstract:We analyze the effect of election promises on electoral behavior in a laboratory experiment. In the experiment, politicians can make nonbinding election promises about how to split an endowment between themselves and the group. We find that promises affect both voting and voter beliefs about how much the politician will contribute to the public fund. The relationship is inverted U‐shaped with decreasing credibility of higher promises. Contributions of politicians are correlated with their promises in a similar… Show more
“…Mansergh and Thomson, 2007; Moury and Fernandes, 2018; Thomson, 2011). Recent laboratory experiments reiterate these findings, demonstrating that electoral promises are more than just cheap talk (Born et al, 2017; Corazzini et al, 2014). Despite this inconsistency, little attention has been paid to the reasons underlying the mismatch.…”
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confidence: 87%
“…Despite this inconsistency, little attention has been paid to the reasons underlying the mismatch. This is a topic of the utmost importance, given that parties’ electoral manifesto pledges are the basis on which voters should hold them accountable for concrete decisions (Schedler, 1998: 197), and that promises have a significant influence on voters’ beliefs and voting decisions (Born et al, 2017; Corazzini et al, 2014). The present study has sought to contribute to this less widely explored field of research by looking at citizens’ misperceptions of pledge fulfilments and exploring why this is the case.…”
Empirical research has found that, despite citizens’ perceptions to the contrary, political parties tend to deliver on their campaign promises. What are the reasons for this mismatch between perceptions and performance? Research to date has paid insufficient attention to the reasons for such a mismatch, neglecting the effects of political predispositions such as party identification and sympathy for the government. This article argues that it is such political predispositions that cause biased perceptions of pledge fulfilment. Bias towards perceiving pledges as unfulfilled is expected to be higher for voters whose political predispositions are more unfavourable to government. The argument is supported by data on Portuguese voters and party manifestos in the 2011 election, contributing to better understanding of the mechanisms of political accountability.
“…Mansergh and Thomson, 2007; Moury and Fernandes, 2018; Thomson, 2011). Recent laboratory experiments reiterate these findings, demonstrating that electoral promises are more than just cheap talk (Born et al, 2017; Corazzini et al, 2014). Despite this inconsistency, little attention has been paid to the reasons underlying the mismatch.…”
mentioning
confidence: 87%
“…Despite this inconsistency, little attention has been paid to the reasons underlying the mismatch. This is a topic of the utmost importance, given that parties’ electoral manifesto pledges are the basis on which voters should hold them accountable for concrete decisions (Schedler, 1998: 197), and that promises have a significant influence on voters’ beliefs and voting decisions (Born et al, 2017; Corazzini et al, 2014). The present study has sought to contribute to this less widely explored field of research by looking at citizens’ misperceptions of pledge fulfilments and exploring why this is the case.…”
Empirical research has found that, despite citizens’ perceptions to the contrary, political parties tend to deliver on their campaign promises. What are the reasons for this mismatch between perceptions and performance? Research to date has paid insufficient attention to the reasons for such a mismatch, neglecting the effects of political predispositions such as party identification and sympathy for the government. This article argues that it is such political predispositions that cause biased perceptions of pledge fulfilment. Bias towards perceiving pledges as unfulfilled is expected to be higher for voters whose political predispositions are more unfavourable to government. The argument is supported by data on Portuguese voters and party manifestos in the 2011 election, contributing to better understanding of the mechanisms of political accountability.
“…Some voters also make prospective judgments about presidential candidates' likely future economic performance (Erikson, MacKuen, and Stimson 2000;Michelitch et al 2012;Nadeau and Lewis-Beck 2001). Party platforms and campaign rhetoric can inform voters' prospective evaluations of candidates' abilities to address economic challenges (Born, van Eck, and Johannesson 2018;Elinder, Jordahl, and Poutvaara 2015), including deindustrialization. Incumbents facing opponents who promise reindustrialization may be the most vulnerable to economic voting-particularly in localities where manufacturing losses have exerted a greater toll.…”
Section: Localized Manufacturing Layoffs and Economic Votingmentioning
Globalization and automation have contributed to deindustrialization and the loss of millions of manufacturing jobs, yielding important electoral implications across advanced democracies. Coupling insights from economic voting and social identity theory, we consider how different groups in society may construe manufacturing job losses in contrasting ways. We argue that deindustrialization threatens dominant group status, leading some white voters in affected localities to favor candidates they believe will address economic distress and defend racial hierarchy. Examining three US presidential elections, we find white voters were more likely to vote for Republican challengers where manufacturing layoffs were high, whereas Black voters in hard-hit localities were more likely to vote for Democrats. In survey data, white respondents, in contrast to people of color, associated local manufacturing job losses with obstacles to individual upward mobility and with broader American economic decline. Group-based identities help explain divergent political reactions to common economic shocks.
“…Up until now, the very few scholars who have studied the effect of pledge fulfilment or breakage on voting have either conducted experiments in controlled laboratory conditions (Feltovich & Giovannoni ; Born et al. ) or relied on empirical evidence in specific countries or regions (Elinder et al. ; Johnson & Ryu ).…”
Section: Expanding Retrospective Voting To Pledgesmentioning
Does pledge fulfilment bear any electoral consequences for government parties? While previous research on retrospective voting has largely focused on electoral accountability with respect to the economy, the theoretical framework presented in this study links government parties' performance to their previous electoral pledges. It is argued that government parties are more likely to be rewarded by voters when they have fulfilled more pledges during the legislative term. Good pledge performance of a party is associated with the ability to maximise policy benefits (accomplishment) and to be a responsible actor that will stick to its promises in the future as well (competence). Analysing data from 69 elections in 14 countries shows that a government party's electoral outcome is affected by its previous pledge performance. A government party that fulfils a higher share of election pledges is more likely to prevent electoral losses. This finding indicates that voters react at the polls to party pledge fulfilment, which highlights the crucial role of promissory representation in democratic regimes. Surprisingly and in contrast with economic voting, there is no evidence that retrospective pledge voting is moderated by clarity of responsibility.
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