An emerging “Islandian” sovereignty of non-self-governing islands

Abstract

Comparative analyses have found that non-self-governing islands tend to have much better development indicators than sovereign islands. Perhaps unsurprisingly, since 1983 no non-self-governing island has acquired political independence. This paper argues that rather than merely maintaining the status quo with their colonial metropoles, non-self-governing islands are actively creating a new form of sovereignty. This creation of an ''Islandian'' sovereignty takes place against the backdrop of debates on the relevance of classic Westphalian sovereignty and emerging practices of Indigenous sovereignty. This paper reviews global research on the sovereignty of islands and from this review, develops an analytical framework of five mechanisms that drive the emerging Islandian sovereignty. This framework is tested and illustrated with a case study of the negotiations about sovereignty between New Caledonia and its colonial metropole, France.

Ripples of Decolonisation in the Asia-Pacific

“…Independence is however just one possible result of decolonisation, and it is possible that an exercise in self-determination may decide that full independence is not the most appropriate option. While historically decolonisation has aimed to deliver independence, authors such as Prinsen and Blaise (2017) argue that political choices amounting to something less than independent statehood are now more likely, especially for small island territories, as the costs of independence might outweigh the apparent benefits. Different political and administrative trajectories, including free association with another state, or new forms of autonomy within states, are also possible.…”

Islands of islands: responses to the centre-periphery fractal model in East Futuna (Wallis and Futuna) and the Belep Islands (New Caledonia)

“…On Futuna, as in the 'paradigm' explained by Prinsen and Blaise (2017), local authorities are constantly negotiating with the metropole, whose financial transfers constitute the entire budget of an island that produces no goods for export. It must, however, be noted that Futuna's economy is far from passive and entirely dependent.…”

“…The result, as in the case of Futuna, is a revindication of the peripheral island's autonomy from the central island and the maintenance, creation, or strengthening of a strong connection to the (distant) metropole. Prinsen and Blaise (2017) set forth five mechanisms as typical characteristics of 'islandian sovereignty': (1) islands vote 'no' in independence referendums; (2) islands continuously negotiate constitutional exceptions; (3) islands get away with bending their metropoles' law or regulations; (4) islands manage public budgets whose shortfall in domestic revenues are complemented by significant financial transfers from the metropole; (5) islands can sign international treaties or agreements beneficial to them but uncomfortable for their metropole and/contrary to its interests. To these, we wish to add a sixth, the coherence of which must be verified through further comparative surveys.…”

A future of island studies

“…Androus and Greymorning (2016, p. 448) have emphatically argued that island studies has failed "to distinguish between Indigenous and other populations in surveying the benefits of affiliation over independence." Prinsen and Blaise (2017) have sought to conceptualise the emergence of a specifically 'islandic' form of Indigenous sovereignty. These critical voices have not, however, necessarily found purchase in the mainstream of policy-oriented and development-oriented island studies scholarship, which continues engaging in prescriptive approaches and wilful or wishful historical amnesia.…”