An Amphibian Party? Organisational Change and Adaptation in the Brazilian Workers' Party, 1980–2012

Ribeiro, Pedro Floriano

doi:10.1017/s0022216x13001831

Cited by 71 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…Among party activists, 58% had a household income above this value, and 30% claimed that their income exceeded ten times the minimum wage. This difference may reflect the peculiar professional character of this contingent: almost 60% of the activists were civil servants, which corroborates previous studies on middle-level elites of the PT and PSDB (Ribeiro 2010(Ribeiro , 2014Amaral 2013;Meneguello et al 2014).…”

Section: Comparative Profile Of Party Activistssupporting

confidence: 88%

Party Members and High-Intensity Participation: Evidence from Brazil

Ribeiro¹,

Amaral

2019

Rev. cienc. polít. (Santiago)

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The literature on political parties has indicated a decline in the levels of party membership in established democracies. The few studies on Latin America show impressive membership figures, but they say nothing about profile and motivations of these individuals. Relying on original data from the first survey undertaken exclusively with party members in Brazil, this article describes the activists' profiles and explains the determinants of high-intensity participation. The findings show that activists are older, have a higher socioeconomic status, and present positive attitudes about participation. The multivariate analysis indicates that high-intensity participation is anchored in collective incentives, cognitive resources, and the perception of political efficacy. Brazil's political parties have an internal life and grassroots activities, which contradicts the traditional view of them.

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Section: Comparative Profile Of Party Activistssupporting

confidence: 88%

Party Members and High-Intensity Participation: Evidence from Brazil

Ribeiro¹,

Amaral

2019

Rev. cienc. polít. (Santiago)

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“…Its close association with unions and organized social movements meant that it rarely attracted votes from the poor Northeast of the country despite its promises of land reform and redistribution (Hunter 2010). Lula and other party pragmatists pushed the party to moderate its program to attract center-left votes, particularly once that political space was abandoned by the PSDB (Samuels 2004;Ribeiro 2014). Their efforts gained particular momentum after Lula's third defeat in 1998.…”

Section: Building the Pt Brand In Brazilmentioning

confidence: 99%

Building Party Brands in Argentina and Brazil

Lupu¹

2016

Challenges of Party-Building in Latin America

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Successful mass parties need to build a stable base of partisans, citizens who feel an affinity with the party. Around the world, voters are much more likely to support the party with which they identify (e.g., Campbell et al. 1960; Green, Palmquist, and Schickler 2002; Lupu 2015a). Partisanship also stabilizes elections and protects parties from volatile shifts in public opinion. Even when a party fails to fulfill its campaign promises, or oversees a period of economic decline, partisans are willing to give their party the benefit of the doubt (Kayser and Wlezien 2011). To use Hirschman's (1970) terms, partisans will support their party out of loyalty. And loyalty "can serve the socially useful purpose of preventing deterioration from becoming cumulative, as it so often does when there is no barrier to exit" (79). Research on mass partisanship has nevertheless focused little on how partisan attachments emerge. That is partly because studies of partisanship focus largely on established democracies, where parties and partisan attachments are already widespread and stable. 2 Scholarship about partisanship in these settings typically turns on whether partisan attachments are stable predispositions or instead fleeting attitudes (Bartle and Bellucci 2009; Budge, Crewe, and Farlie 1976). Evidence of partisan stability is thought 1 For their advice and suggestions, I thank the editors, the anonymous reviewers, Fran Hagopian, Henry Hale, and participants at the conference on "Challenges of Party-Building in Latin America" at Harvard. I also thank David Samuels, Cesar Zucco, and the Center for the Study of Public Opinion at the State University of Campinas for generously sharing data. A previous version of this chapter was presented at the 2014 annual meeting of the American Political Science Association. I gratefully acknowledge the support of the Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences at the Juan March Institute. Sebastián Lavezzolo provided excellent research assistance. Replication material available on the author's website. 2 Extrapolating from these cases, Converse (1969) posits that mass partisanship will necessarily emerge over time in new democracies, but leaves unanswered the question of which parties will attract partisans. 3 Even the observation of partisan erosion in these countries has been contested (

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“…No entanto, Ribeiro (2008Ribeiro ( , 2014 MEIO AMBIENTE (2003 mais adaptado ao terreno do Estado, o PT permanece navegando nas águas da sociedade civil como um partido anfíbio (Ribeiro, 2014, p. 117 Há, porém, uma terceira dimensão do processo de nomeação política que se relaciona com os recursos humanos aos quais um governo tem acesso para recrutar a cargos comissionados. Uma razão pela crescente presença de servidores públicos entre os nomeados pode ter a ver com o aumento do número de quadros qualificados na burocracia federal para lidar com questões ambientais.…”

Section: As Nomeações Políticas E a Sociedade Civilunclassified

Nomeações políticas no Ministério do Meio Ambiente (2003-2013): interconexões entre ONGs, partidos e governos

Abers

Oliveira

2015

Opin. Publica

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ResumoNeste artigo, exploramos mudanças na relação entre movimentos sociais e o governo do Partido dos Trabalhadores pela lente da política de nomeações de cargos de alto escalão no Ministério do Meio Ambiente (MMA) entre 2003 e 2013. Ao analisar as biografias profissionais e políticas de 147 nomeados, identificamos uma diminuição, ao longo do período, de nomeações de atores originários de movimentos sociais, acompanhada por um crescimento de nomeações de servidores públicos. Sugerimos que essa mudança não é somente resultado de transformações das preferências políticas do governo petista. Resulta também de um aumento no número absoluto de funcionários concursados, o que tornou o governo menos dependente, do que era no passado, das capacidades técnicas e políticas presentes na sociedade civil.

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An Amphibian Party? Organisational Change and Adaptation in the Brazilian Workers' Party, 1980–2012

Cited by 71 publications

References 29 publications

Party Members and High-Intensity Participation: Evidence from Brazil

Party Members and High-Intensity Participation: Evidence from Brazil

Building Party Brands in Argentina and Brazil

Nomeações políticas no Ministério do Meio Ambiente (2003-2013): interconexões entre ONGs, partidos e governos

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