ALBA: A decolonial delinking performance towards (western) modernity – An<i>alternative to development</i>project

Al-Kassimi, Khaled

doi:10.1080/23311886.2018.1546418

Cited by 9 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…Bergamaschi et al, 2017;Cheru, 2011;Fiddian-Qasmiyeh & Daley, 2019;Gray & Gills, 2016;Gürcan, 2019;Kragelund, 2019). In any case, while such de-Westernising institutions as the BRICS New Development Bank are established (Al-Kassimi, 2018;Mignolo, 2021), confrontation joins with contestation within the institutions of global coloniality, where especially the BRICS -individually or collectively -frequently strategically ally with the G-77 (Cooper, 2021;Gürcan, 2019;Hopewell, 2017). Although SSC may indeed have engendered a partial 'fracturing' of the historical North-South hierarchies (Mawdsley, 2020), the North's 'manipulation' of the World Bank voting power adjustment process (see Vestergaard & Wade, 2013), however, is indicative of the limits to such a strategy, and of the Global North's steadfast resistance to any more substantive democratization of the global order, i.e.…”

Section: Ssc For Delinking As De-westernisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…26-27). This struggle institutionalizes the historical aspiration -as inherent in the Bandung spirit and explicit in the Tricontinental (Mahler, 2018) -of articulating states-led internationalism with popular movementsbased transnationalism (Al-Kassimi, 2018;Eder, 2016;Gürcan, 2019;Muhr, 2013;Weber, 2016): the formal ALBA-TCP member states and over 400 mass-based popular movements/organisations from 25 Our American countries. 12 Structurally, the two pillars connect via the ALBA Movements Continental Coordination, which supercedes the original ALBA-TCP Social Movements Council.…”

Section: Ssc For Delinking As Decolonialitymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Reclaiming the politics of South-South cooperation

Muhr

2022

Globalizations

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Framed by the North-South conflict, this article conducts a historico-conceptual analysis of the politics of South-South cooperation (SSC) from a decolonial Global South perspective. Based on documentary analysis and a review of academic SSC literature, three distinct periods of SSC post-1945 are identified: Concertation (1945-1981; Containment (1981Containment ( -1995 and Cooptation vs Confrontation (1995-present). This periodization complements previous endeavours of its kind, whereby the rationale here is that a historical understanding of SSC politics and neo-colonial/imperialist counter-politics is indispensable for emancipatory social praxis. With co-optation of SSC backed by coercion as the Global North's contemporary tactic within the strategy of re-Westernisation, I argue for the Global South to reclaim SSC as a strategy to move from delinking as de-Westernisation towards delinking as decoloniality in the context of crisis of the capitalist world order.

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Section: Ssc For Delinking As De-westernisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Ssc For Delinking As Decolonialitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Reclaiming the politics of South-South cooperation

Muhr

2022

Globalizations

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“…Neo-Orientalism then is to be understood not as sui generis, but rather a supplement to enduring modes of Orientalist representation that have been reconstituted, redeployed, and redistributed in characterizing Arab space. Nevertheless, and crucial to note, while Orientalism in previous centuries served the policies of colonial powers in constructing a threatening uncivilized entity to legalize an imperial war of transformation, neo-Orientalism serves the political interests of metropole centers aware of the necessity in producing threatening images of a conflict taking place between civilization and barbarism for epistemological coherence (Tuastad 2003;Hellmich 2008;Williams and Behdad 2012;Dabashi 2012;Al-Kassimi 2018.…”

Section: The Contours Of Neo-orientalism-islamophobia the Barbarian Thesis The Irrational Arab Mind And Arab Compradorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A “New Middle East” Following 9/11 and the “Arab Spring” of 2011?—(Neo)-Orientalist Imaginaries Rejuvenate the (Temporal) Inclusive Exclusion Character of Jus Gentium

Al-Kassimi

2021

Laws

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The resurgence of a deterministic mode of representation mythologizing Arabs as figuring (threatening) Saracen by judging their epistemological commitments as hostile to Enlightened reason-based ideals is demonstratively identifiable after 9/11, and more so following the Arab uprisings in 2011, when we notice that the Arab in general, and Muslim in particular, was historicized as the “new barbarian” from which (liberal-secular) Westphalian society must be defended. Such neo-Orientalist representations disseminate powerful discursive (symbolic) articulations (i.e., culture talk) —in tandem with the (re)formulation of legal concepts and doctrines situated in jus gentium (i.e., sovereignty, immanence, and pre-emptive defense strategy)—legally adjudicating a redemptive war ostensibly to “moralize” a profane Arabia. Proponents of neo-Orientalism define their philosophical theology as not simply incompatible with Arab epistemology (Ar. نظريةالمعرفةالعربية), but that Arab-Muslims are an irreconcilable threat to Latin-European philosophical theology, thus, accentuating that neo-Orientalism is constituted by an ontological insecurity constituting Arab-Islamic philosophical theology as placing secular modern logic under “siege” and threatening “civil society”. This legal-historical research, therefore, argues that neo-Orientalism not only necessitates figuring the Arab as Islamist for the ontological security of a “modern” liberal-secular mode of Being, but that such essentialist imaginary is a culturalist myth that is transformed into a legal difference which proceeds to argue the necessity of sanctioning a violent episode transforming a supposed lawless “Middle East” receptive to terror, into a lawful “New Middle East” receptive to reason. This sacrilegos process reveals the “inclusive exclusion” temporal ethos of (a positivist) jus gentium which entails maintaining a supposed unbridgeable cultural gap between a (universalized) sovereign Latin-European subject, and a (particularized) Arab object denied sovereignty for the coherence of Latin-European epistemology.

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“…Even after the end of direct sovereign control over many foreign territories, the ideologies and power structures that justified and maintained colonial projects continue to impact peoples in and from the Global South, perpetuating dynamics of oppression (Keet, 2014;Mignolo, 2005;Quijano, 2007). The decolonial project thus includes highlighting how academia serves colonial oppression (Agozino, 2003;Al-Kassimi, 2018;Bull, 2004;Keet, 2014). Agozino (2003) insists on a sound analysis of how criminological knowledge was put at the service of imperialist projects and how imperialist thinking patterns persist in criminological scholarship (see also Cunneen, 1999).…”

Section: Decolonial Perspectives In the Social Sciences And Criminologymentioning

confidence: 99%

“Writing the Other as Other”: Exploring the Othered Lens in Academia Using Collaborative Autoethnography

Ajil¹,

Blount‐Hill

2020

DCJ

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Trends seemingly signal the decay of White heterosexual male hegemony in academe. Still, while changes have addressed lack of access to an academic system whose benefits are assumed, critical literatures call into question Western-based theory and traditionally Eurocentric ways of knowledge production. An important programmatic component of decolonizing knowledge production consists of arguing for increased inclusivity and diversity among scholars. The present study is inscribed in these decolonial tendencies and focuses on the experience of otherness inside academia. Using collaborative autoethnography, we set side-by-side the academic and professional experiences and epistemological reflections of two criminal justice and criminology scholars: an Arab European scholar of politico-ideological violence and a Black American scholar of identity and the psychology of justice. We explore otherness as a ‘social fact’ and identify three dimensions, namely (1) otherness as a lens to read coloniality, (2) feeling and coping with otherness, and (3) otherness as connection. We suggest that promoting the “othered lens” in academia, especially criminology, may not only be healthy and necessary for a diversification of views and perspectives, but also epistemologically and methodologically vital for how criminology engages with the socially deviant or harmed Other it is, by its very essence, preoccupied with.

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ALBA: A decolonial delinking performance towards (western) modernity – Analternative to developmentproject

Cited by 9 publications

References 40 publications

Reclaiming the politics of South-South cooperation

Reclaiming the politics of South-South cooperation

A “New Middle East” Following 9/11 and the “Arab Spring” of 2011?—(Neo)-Orientalist Imaginaries Rejuvenate the (Temporal) Inclusive Exclusion Character of Jus Gentium

“Writing the Other as Other”: Exploring the Othered Lens in Academia Using Collaborative Autoethnography

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