Al-Muhajiroun in the United Kingdom: the role of international non-recognition in heightened radicalization dynamics

Clément, Maéva

doi:10.1080/23269995.2014.918306

Cited by 7 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…The current 'recognition regime' thus contains higher normative barriers for recognition-claiming and, consequently, for recognition-granting than before. Further, this regime affects disproportionally those ANSAs who (claim to) represent Muslim communities (Clément 2014;Kaden and Günther;Nwankpa; Pfeifer in this volume). For example, ANSAs claiming to represent the Uyghurs have been negatively impacted by ISIS's repeated declarations in which the organisation stated that it had supporters as far as China (Chung in this volume).…”

Section: Specific Obstacles To the Initiation And Continuation Of Recognition Processesmentioning

confidence: 97%

Recognising armed non-state actors

Clément¹,

Geis²,

Pfeifer³

2021

Armed Non-State Actors and the Politics of Recognition

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Section: Specific Obstacles To the Initiation And Continuation Of Recognition Processesmentioning

confidence: 97%

Recognising armed non-state actors

Clément¹,

Geis²,

Pfeifer³

2021

Armed Non-State Actors and the Politics of Recognition

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“…Second, this variation refers to a more general feature of al‐Qaida's ideological discourse, which lays the emphasis on the intrinsic value of sacrifice for the greater good. Beyond references to restoring the historical ummah , Al‐Qaeda and its affiliated groups usually avoided concrete answers to questions such as “What comes after war?” and “How would the Caliphate look like?” The end state after victory against oppression is left to the imagination of the audience and only associated with vague promises of salvation (Clément, ). By contrast, typical “Western” discourses generally portray the use of force not only as an inherently moral duty but also as an instrument to achieve a concrete political goal, such as the restoration of order, the protection of civilians, or economic development.…”

Section: Detecting and Interpreting The Hero‐protector Narrative In Tmentioning

confidence: 99%

The “Hero‐Protector Narrative”: Manufacturing Emotional Consent for the Use of Force

Clément

Lindemann

Sangar

2016

Political Psychology

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How do political leaders manufacture collective emotions to justify the use of force? This article introduces the "hero-protector narrative" as a conceptual model to analyze how political leaders try to manufacture specific collective emotions to encourage their audience to perceive violence as the only morally acceptable course of action. In our model, we formalize a set of distinctive narrative structures (roles and sequences), which are combined to activate compassion and moral anger as well as identification with "heroic" behavior. Furthermore, we argue that the resonance of this narrative draws on values of hyper-masculinity in patriarchal societies. As such this narrative is to be found across different types of actors (state/nonstate) and culturally diverse settings. To test our model, we use a computer-assisted QDA approach. We compare systematically discourses produced by political actors legitimizing the use of force versus actors opposing the use of force. We find that discourses supporting the use of force, such as those produced by George W. Bush and Osama bin Laden in the context of the Iraq war, share the structural characteristics of the hero-protector narrative. In this regard, they differ remarkably from violence-opposing discourses, regardless of their cultural background.KEY WORDS: political violence, political rhetoric, collective emotions, narrative structures, model How do political actors manufacture emotional consent around the use of force beyond the borders of their communities? Can we detect any characteristic structural patterns in narratives used by actors who try to justify the use of violence as opposed to those who reject the use of violence? This article claims that the emotional-discursive justification of violence is an essential, albeit underexamined aspect of the construction of violent conflicts. We argue that actors from different cultural backgrounds, as well as different institutional settings, including nonstate actors, use discourses that share a similar narrative structure, which we call the "hero-protector narrative." This narrative aims at stimulating, within target audiences, certain collective emotions whose function is to render the use of force not only an instrument of political choice among others, but an unavoidable course of action to preserve one's self-esteem. As a result, our research underlines the necessity to take the links between 991 0162-895X

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“…While not aiming at resolution, Recognition, Conflict and the Problem of Ethical Community was based around exploring these themes in a truly transdisciplinary manner across social, political and international theory by examining recognition processes between individuals, groups and states. The Special Issue canvasses a broad array of different research on recognition: from conceptual pieces as offered by Lindemann (2014a) and Ringmar's (2014a) contributions to historical and practical examinations of recognition as advanced in Jaschob (2014) and Delori (2014); from policy prescriptions for foreign relations (Wolf 2014) and recognition processes between individuals (Connolly 2014) to pathologies of recognition in violent groups (Clément 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Recognition, conflict and the problem of ethical community

Brincat¹

2014

Global Discourse

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Al-Muhajiroun in the United Kingdom: the role of international non-recognition in heightened radicalization dynamics

Cited by 7 publications

References 22 publications

Recognising armed non-state actors

Recognising armed non-state actors

The “Hero‐Protector Narrative”: Manufacturing Emotional Consent for the Use of Force

Recognition, conflict and the problem of ethical community

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