Aims and contradictions of cultural diversity policies in the arts: a case study of the Rich Mix Centre in East London

Mirza, Munira

doi:10.1080/10286630802562593

Cited by 6 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 11 publications

(5 reference statements)

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“…Mirza's PhD was supervised by Furedi and draws on his theories to argue that leftwing identity politics has produced 'a crisis of individual meaning and identity' within which 'citizens are made to feel they need therapeutic affirmation to reach their "authentic" self by realising their own distinct cultural lifestyle and choices'. 94 Mirza wrote for Spiked, became a Policy Exchange fellow and went on to work for Boris Johnson when he was London mayor. 95 Mirza was Johnson's Head of Policy at No.…”

Section: Impact On Government Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

An anatomy of the British war on woke

Davies¹,

Macrae²

2023

Race & Class

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The British war on woke is an intensive ideological campaign against social justice movements that is mobilising far-right tropes and conspiracy theories within mainstream British political discourse. It sees itself in a battle of good versus evil, reason against the dark forces of pre-modernity, ‘Cultural Marxists’ and a ‘globalist elite’ intent on ruining ‘western civilisation’ and replacing ‘white’ British culture with woke multiculturalism. The authors examine this campaign’s discourses on various digital media including magazines, blogs, news sites and Twitter, and used search engines and a media database to capture a network graph of a community waging its war on woke. Using the graph metric of ‘betweenness centrality’, they isolate and visualise a small densely inter-connected homophily of political actors who share media platforms and cooperate with think-tanks, campaign groups, and ‘educational charities’. Using van Dijk’s concept of the ideological square, they explore the conceptual logics driving this campaign to its extreme positions, often justified on the basis of representing the interests of the British white working class.

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Section: Impact On Government Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

An anatomy of the British war on woke

Davies¹,

Macrae²

2023

Race & Class

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“…Third Text is a longstanding journal dedicated to issues of the arts and diversity edited by Rasheed Araeen. There are two other longstanding UK 'flagship' companies: Rich Mix (Mirza 2009), which is dedicated to diversity in performing arts; and iniva (Institute for International Visual Art), which is dedicated to diversity programming and discourse in the visual arts. These two companies lead the production and critique of work by BAME artists.…”

Section: Arts Council Englandmentioning

confidence: 99%

Creative Frictions: Arts Leadership, Policy and Practice in Multicultural Australia

Cmielewski¹

2021

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Migrant' could be used, as it is also an accurate term. Ang (2003b, 9) describes Hall and Gilroy, two key UK thinkers, as 'post-colonial migrants'. However, in Australia, this term is less accurate, as the majority of migrants have historically arrived from the UK as native English speakers. This led to the introduction of the term 'ethnic' and its artistic equivalent 'folkloric' into bureaucracies, both of which became derogatory terms in contemporary arts lexicon (Khan, Wyatt and Yue 2014, 7).The term CALD, which came into official use in 1996, was developed to address some of the issues arising from the 'negative' positioning of NESB (Sawrikar and Katz 2009, 2). The perception is that CALD 'does not fix a characteristic from which minority ethnic groups deviate, and so it can avoid the relational exclusion and divisiveness NESB may produce for minority ethnic groups' (3). Sawrikar and Katz suggest that CALD differentiates the range of cultural and linguistic groups in Australia. However, the term can also be seen as not providing any real level of nuance, because CALD, by its very openness, includes everyone who has a culture and a language. CALD's acknowledgment of the uniqueness of different (minority) groups detracts from the fact that, in its common use, the term still refers to the same groups as NESB-those who are different from the majority; it is simply less transparent about the fact that there is a majority from which others are seen to differ (Sawrikar and Katz 2009, 6). Curiously, Sawrikar and Katz (2009, 10) suggest an even clumsier term, 'Australians ethnically

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“…In Australia, a range of newly released policies (Creative Australia amongst them) indicate that multiculturalism is being 'dispersed' as its old identity-based agendas respond to and react against the more fluid social movements and forms of belonging emerging in the present transnational, neoliberal cultural imaginary (Khan et al 2013). Internationally, in Europe and the UK, while official commitments to state-based multiculturalism have largely been abandoned (Colic-Peisker & Farqujarson 2011), efforts to manage and integrate diverse populations through cultural policy persist, articulated through discourses of 'diversity (Mirza 2009) or 'cultural citizenship' (Staiger 2009). Commentators note how the promotion of 'diversity' through cultural policy runs into familiar tensions: the universalist discourse of European high art coexists with recognition of the contested and contextual value of culture (Mirza 2009); cultural policies to construct a European cultural identity amplify the power differences between EU countries and reinforce distinctions between 'high' and 'ethnic' art (Karaca 2010).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Making and remaking multicultural arts: policy, cultural difference and the discourse of decline

Khan

Wyatt

Yue

2014

International Journal of Cultural Policy

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Currently, a discourse of decline shadows multiculturalism, claiming it is 'no longer' viable as a governmental technique to manage present-day social complexity. This article revisits multiculturalism as an intervention in the discourse of decline, shifting the terms of the multiculturalism debate from the abstract struggle between competing political ideologies, to the minor material processes through which multiculturalism was enacted. Through a Foucauldian analytics of governmentality, we examine in particular the invention and evolution of multicultural arts over the last 30 years. We attend to the multiple ways in which cultural difference has been mobilised and understood by policy-makers and the constituents they served; how these various framings of cultural difference informed the shifting objectives and constituencies of multicultural arts; and how these shifts were influenced by the dispersed nature of policy formation, crossing multiple sites and stakeholders, each subject to, but also resisting and reshaping, the discursive parameters of this category. Such an approach dismantles the coherence and stability of multiculturalism upon which the discourse of decline is premised, but also anticipates the way multiculturalism is presently transforming in response to a transnational, neoliberal cultural imaginary.

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Aims and contradictions of cultural diversity policies in the arts: a case study of the Rich Mix Centre in East London

Cited by 6 publications

References 11 publications

An anatomy of the British war on woke

An anatomy of the British war on woke

Creative Frictions: Arts Leadership, Policy and Practice in Multicultural Australia

Making and remaking multicultural arts: policy, cultural difference and the discourse of decline

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