Afghanistan:

Saikal, Amin

doi:10.2307/j.ctv8j6dx.7

Cited by 15 publications

(25 citation statements)

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“…79 The Shura-i Nazar, with several policy committees and with Masoud as the chief executive, focused on 'maintaining law and order, economic development and provision of services to the people.' 80 In the 1990s, over 400 schools were operating, including several for girls, 'a radical development.' 81 The Pashtun south (Loya Qandahar), however, was a disaster zone.…”

Section: Regional Autonomy and Autochthonous Systemsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Conceptual failure, the Taliban's parallel hierarchies, and America's strategic defeat in Afghanistan

Mahendrarajah

2014

Small Wars & Insurgencies

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ISAF exists to protect the Afghan constitutional model. This strategic objective will be defeated because the GIRoA model has a conceptual flaw that renders it incapable of delivering governance at the local level (Tier IV). This fatal flaw has enabled the Taliban, by developing parallel hierarchies, to displace GIRoA and establish itself in southern locales as the political authority. The Taliban are fighting a revolutionary war, a Maoist displacement strategy that uses guerrilla tactics to advance a political program. Petraeus and McChrystal failed to recognize the character of war, and believed the Taliban are pursuing an exhaustion strategy. They failed to devise a counter-RW strategy. The 'Surge' was doomed ab initio.

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Section: Regional Autonomy and Autochthonous Systemsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Conceptual failure, the Taliban's parallel hierarchies, and America's strategic defeat in Afghanistan

Mahendrarajah

2014

Small Wars & Insurgencies

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“…The constitution promulgated after 2001 was patterned on the 1964 constitution of Zahir Shah, which was a relatively liberal document, though it neglected the foundation of political parties. 32 The social and political context, however, was less conducive to democratisation than had been the case in pre-war Afghanistan. The transitional arrangements that emerged from Bonn led to a streamlined authority with powers concentrated in the president's office, and an election system (Single Non-Transferable Vote SNTV) that weakened the emergence of political parties and the role of the parliament.…”

Section: Post-2001 State-building and The Context Of Democratisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Flooding the lake? International democracy promotion and the political economy of the 2014 presidential election in Afghanistan

Goodhand

Suhrke

Bose

2016

Conflict, Security & Development

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The introductory article to this volume positions the Afghan case within the broader literature on the political economy of war-to-peace transitions. The paper begins by critiquing the rise of democracy promotion, and then employs a political economy framework to understand the more focused research on democratisation and elections. The paper highlights some of the major features of the Afghan case that provided a backdrop for the 2014 election: a deeply divided society, a highly militarised and invasive international presence, and a history of flawed elections. This discussion helps contextualise the seemingly technical questions about constitutional design, electoral systems and the organisation and monitoring of elections. It is argued that the pursuit of elections and democratisation efforts more broadly, in a context of growing insecurity and political fragmentation, have had unintended and perverse effects. The concluding section sets out the main themes of the individual contributions that follow.

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“…W stosunkach międzyna-rodowych objawiło się to w sposób szczególny w polityce kulturalnej. 29 (czy też welajat-e faqih) okazał się nieefektywnym narzę-dziem politycznym w zdominowanym przez suficko-sunnickie ryty Afganistanie i Tadżykistanie 30 . Tadżycki postkomunistyczny rząd prezydenta Rahmona Nabijewa był zwolennikiem sekularyzmu, a liderzy Partii Islamskiego Odrodzenia Tadżykistanu (tadż.…”

Section: Kultura I Język -Irańskie Instrumenty Typu Soft Power W Poliunclassified

Polityka językowa oraz kulturalna Islamskiej Republiki Iranu w Afganistanie i Tadżykistanie

2017

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StreszczenieAfganistan, Iran i Tadżykistan dzielą z sobą wiele wieków wspólnej historii, choć współcześnie stanowią trzy odrębne tożsamości państwo-we. Korzenie ich państwowości związane są z irańską kulturą polityczną imperium Achemenidów, zaś źródeł ich tożsamości narodowej należy się dopatrywać w irańskiej religii -zaratusztrianizmie, perskiej literaturze i poezji. Również współczesne języki urzędowe trzech państw pozostają spokrewnione. Dążący do regionalnej potęgi Iran stara się wykorzystać pokrewieństwo w relacjach z Afganistanem i Tadżykistanem. Aspekt ten wydaje się nie mniej istotny od czynnika religijnego -szyizmu, który dominuje we wszystkich sferach życia w Iranie po 1979 roku. W procesie integracji istotna jest rola święta Nouruz. Irański nowy rok stał się okazją do spotkań liderów państw objętych projektem tak zwanej Unii Państw Perskojęzycznych. Wspólne dziedzictwo i jego wykorzystanie przez Iran pozostaje tematem wartym poruszenia w dyskursie o współczesnym świecie irańskim. Artykuł w sposób przekrojowy skupia się na okresie 1979-2014.

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Afghanistan:

Cited by 15 publications

References 0 publications

Conceptual failure, the Taliban's parallel hierarchies, and America's strategic defeat in Afghanistan

Conceptual failure, the Taliban's parallel hierarchies, and America's strategic defeat in Afghanistan

Flooding the lake? International democracy promotion and the political economy of the 2014 presidential election in Afghanistan

Polityka językowa oraz kulturalna Islamskiej Republiki Iranu w Afganistanie i Tadżykistanie

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