Abstract:This article explores affective formations of class consciousness. Through autoethnography and conversations and discussion sessions with working class women, the article contributes to a sociology of social class that recognises how people come to know their class positioning in spaces outside of waged relations. The article argues that affective relations and affective inequalities inform women’s experiences and consciousness of inequality generated by the class system. Their consciousness of the class syste… Show more
“…Not only is there more than one economy in the capitalist economy (Folbre, 1994, 2001), meaning-making does not take place solely within the economic domains of social life. Things matter to people outside of power and money (Sayer, 2011) but people’s relational concerns, their care consciousness (Crean, 2018) need to be named and analysed sociologically if they are to be de-privatized and have political import.…”
Section: Cultural and Politico-economic Impediments To Relational Jusmentioning
This article examines the ways in which the care-indifferent and gendered character of much political egalitarian theory has contributed to a disregard for the care-relational dimensions of social injustice within the social sciences. It demonstrates how the lack of in-depth engagement with affective relations of love, care and solidarity has contributed to an underestimation of their pivotal role in generating injustices in the production of people in their humanity. While humans are political, economic and cultural beings, they are also what Tronto has termed homines curans. Yet, care, in its multiple manifestations, is treated as a kind of ‘cultural residual’, an area of human life that the dominant culture neglects, represses and cannot even recognize for its political salience. If sociology takes the issue of relational justice as seriously as it takes issues of redistribution, recognition and political representation, this would provide an intellectual avenue for advancing scholarship that recognizes that much of life is lived, and injustices are generated, outside the market, formal politics and public culture. A new sociology of affective care relations could enhance a normatively-led sociology of inequality, that is distinguishable from, but intersecting with, a sociology of inequality based on class (redistribution), status (recognition) and power (representation). It would also help change public discourse about politics by making affective in/justices visible intellectually and politically, and in so doing, identifying ways in which they could be a site of resistance to capitalist values and processes.
“…Not only is there more than one economy in the capitalist economy (Folbre, 1994, 2001), meaning-making does not take place solely within the economic domains of social life. Things matter to people outside of power and money (Sayer, 2011) but people’s relational concerns, their care consciousness (Crean, 2018) need to be named and analysed sociologically if they are to be de-privatized and have political import.…”
Section: Cultural and Politico-economic Impediments To Relational Jusmentioning
This article examines the ways in which the care-indifferent and gendered character of much political egalitarian theory has contributed to a disregard for the care-relational dimensions of social injustice within the social sciences. It demonstrates how the lack of in-depth engagement with affective relations of love, care and solidarity has contributed to an underestimation of their pivotal role in generating injustices in the production of people in their humanity. While humans are political, economic and cultural beings, they are also what Tronto has termed homines curans. Yet, care, in its multiple manifestations, is treated as a kind of ‘cultural residual’, an area of human life that the dominant culture neglects, represses and cannot even recognize for its political salience. If sociology takes the issue of relational justice as seriously as it takes issues of redistribution, recognition and political representation, this would provide an intellectual avenue for advancing scholarship that recognizes that much of life is lived, and injustices are generated, outside the market, formal politics and public culture. A new sociology of affective care relations could enhance a normatively-led sociology of inequality, that is distinguishable from, but intersecting with, a sociology of inequality based on class (redistribution), status (recognition) and power (representation). It would also help change public discourse about politics by making affective in/justices visible intellectually and politically, and in so doing, identifying ways in which they could be a site of resistance to capitalist values and processes.
“…People do love and care work regardless of capitalism’s requirements as they may need it, want it, enjoy it or are compelled by other cultural, moral and political logics to undertake it (Lynch et al., 2009; Crean, 2018); care and love exist because the ‘… quality of being needy 1 is shared equally by all humans’ (Tronto, 2013: 29). Even if people are relatively independent at times in their lives, interdependency and dependency is endemic to the human condition.…”
Section: Care As Social Reproduction?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…People do love and care work regardless of capitalism's requirements as they may need it, want it, enjoy it or are compelled by other cultural, moral and political logics to undertake it (Lynch et al, 2009;Crean, 2018); care and love exist because the '. .…”
One of the most engaging claims of Patel and Moore’s book is that abstract ideas have played a powerful role legitimating the exploitation of swathes of humanity, through distinguishing ontologically and epistemologically between nature and society. As most women, and indigenous people, were defined as part of nature, their labours and lives, including their care labour, were deemed to be part of nature and thereby legitimately exploitable. The authors claim that the cheapening of care arose from the separation of spheres between care work and paid work, between home and the economy, arising from the development of enclosures and the demise of the commons. What the book does not address, however, is how the exploitation of women’s domestic and care labour was not only beneficial to capitalism: men of all classes were and are beneficiaries of women’s unpaid care labour. The authors also suggest that the primary purpose of caring is to reproduce people for capitalism. But caring is not undertaken simply at the behest of capitalism. Nurturing and caring for others are defining features of humanity given the lengthy dependency of humans at birth and at times of vulnerability. The logic of care is very different to market logic.
“…Margaret Crean (2018) explores affective aspects of the emergence of what she calls care consciousness amongst Irish working class women by using three methods. Beginning with auto-ethnographic reflections on her own childhood poverty, she moved on to utilise unstructured interviews and then went on to the development of two learning circles as a third method for data collection.…”
Relating to or denoting circumstances in which objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief. 'in this era of post-truth politics, it's easy to cherry-pick data and come to whatever conclusion you desire' 'some commentators have observed that we are living in a post-truth age'
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