AFDC Recipients as Care-givers and Worker: A Feminist Approach to Income Security Policy for American Women

Spalter-Roth, Roberta; Hartmann, Heidi

doi:10.1093/sp/1.2.190

Cited by 17 publications

(24 citation statements)

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“…3 Given that the primary purpose of the study was to investigate the effects of violence on employment, the author used the conventional Census Bureau definition of``employed, actively seeking work, or awaiting recall from a layoff.'' Also anticipating analyses that would operationalize labor force participation as occupational status or personal income, the author selected or developed survey items after considering standard models of stratification and analyses of female labor supply (Bergmann 1989;Blau & Duncan 1967;Blank 1990;Duncan 1961;Edin 1995;Featherman & Hauser 1976;Fuchs 1989;Norton & Miller 1990;O'Connell 1990;Pearce 1986;Robins & Blau 1991;Sewell, Hauser & Wolf 1980;Smith 1990;Spalter-Roth & Hartmann 1994;Treiman 1985;Treiman & Terrell 1975;Tumin 1985).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Effects of Domestic Violence on Women’s Employment

Lloyd¹

1997

Law & Policy

164

151

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This article presents some results of a random household survey that examined the effects of domestic violence on the labor force participation of 824 women living in a low-income neighborhood. It also uses data from twenty-four long interviews.Eighteen percent of the respondents reported having experienced physical aggression in the past twelve months, and 11.9% reported more severe physical violence. Women who reported abuse were more likely to have experienced unemployment and held more jobs and to report more health problems. They also had lower personal incomes, and were significantly more likely to receive public assistance. At the same time, women who reported abuse were employed in roughly the same numbers as those who did not. Thus, it appears that domestic violence may depress women's socioeconomic and occupational status attainment over time, but does not affect employment status per se.The article concludes with comments about the implications of the findings for the redesign of public assistance and job training programs.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Effects of Domestic Violence on Women’s Employment

Lloyd¹

1997

Law & Policy

164

151

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“…In the case of former welfare mothers, decisions to return to welfare are a function of the trade-offs women face in balanc-1 Exceptions include studies that have examined the impact of the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1981 (OBRA), which forced many working AFDC recipients off welfare by restricting eligibility and imposing higher tax rates on earnings (for a review of these studies see Zinn and Sarri 1984). ing their roles in the family and their responsibilities for their children with their role as economic providers. To negotiate this balance, poor women usually develop economic strategies that involve "income packaging" in which the mother combines income from various sources, including paid work, welfare, men, or family and friends (Duncan 1984;Edin and Jencks 1992;Harris 1993;Hartmann 1994a, 1994b). For instance, a single mother may work parttime so she can care for her children after school, forgoing the additional income from full-time work as a trade-off for more time with her children; this decision may require her to rely on welfare.…”

Section: Conceptual Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Life after Welfare: Women, Work, and Repeat Dependency

Harris¹

1996

American Sociological Review

292

190

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JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Sociological Review. I examine the process by which single mothers who have ever experienced and ended a spell on welfare return to welfare for further economic support. My analyses address the permanency of welfare independence by type of exit and identify those women who manage to stay off welfare. I use the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) for the years 1983 to 1988; the data contain monthly reports of welfare receipt (AFDC) and employment status. Returns to welfare are quite common and often occur soon after leaving: Over one quarter of the women in this study return to welfare within one year of exiting, and 42 percent return within two years. I find that repeat dependency on welfare is determined by social isolation, child-care responsibilities, human capital, and family economic status. Moreover, the route by which women exit welfare is less important to their chances of remaining off welfare than is the sequence of life events and changing circumstances that occur after their welfare exit. R esearch interest in women and poverty has heightened over the last decade as increasing numbers of women and children face economic disadvantages. The continued growth of female-headed households, coupled with stagnant wages at the low end of the wage distribution during the 1980s, has increased poverty among women and children. By 1992, over 80 percent of persons in poor families were women and chil-* Direct all correspondence to Kathleen Mullan Harris,

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“…A separate research literature has documented that financial support from social networks is an important component of the income packages of single‐mother families on welfare or in low‐wage jobs (Edin & Lein, 1997; Moffitt & Cherlin, 2002; Spalter‐Roth, Burr, Hartmann, & Shaw, 1995). Edin and Lein found that mothers frequently supplement low‐wage employment and welfare with money from social networks.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Relationship Between Private Safety Nets and Economic Outcomes Among Single Mothers

Harknett

2006

J of Marriage and Family

117

155

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This article examines the relationship between private safety nets and economic outcomes among 2,818 low‐income single mothers in three U.S. counties in the 1990s. I define private safety nets as the potential to draw upon family and friends for material or emotional support if needed. Using a combination of survey and administrative records data collected for the National Evaluation of Welfare‐to‐Work Strategies, I find that human capital deficits, depressive symptoms, and low self‐efficacy are associated with having less private safety net support, suggesting that social network disadvantages compound individual‐level disadvantages. I also find that mothers with strong private safety nets worked more, earned more, and were less reliant on welfare compared with mothers with more meager private safety nets.

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AFDC Recipients as Care-givers and Worker: A Feminist Approach to Income Security Policy for American Women

Cited by 17 publications

References 0 publications

The Effects of Domestic Violence on Women’s Employment

The Effects of Domestic Violence on Women’s Employment

Life after Welfare: Women, Work, and Repeat Dependency

The Relationship Between Private Safety Nets and Economic Outcomes Among Single Mothers

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