Belarus Under Lukashenka 2018
DOI: 10.4324/9780203737910-2
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Adaptive authoritarianism

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Cited by 8 publications
(7 citation statements)
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“…Conversely, we expected better educated and wealthier respondents, and people living in the west of the country (Grodno and Brest oblasts) as well as in the Minsk agglomeration to show higher levels of support for European Union membership. Belarus has been denoted as a "highly distinctive model of semi-peripheral capitalism ... in which economic and political power does not, fundamentally, lie with private capital but with a bureaucratic-paternalist state apparatus (Buzgalin and Kolgonov, 2021, 443), an emphasis also in Frear (2019). Because of this unusual political-economic structure, we expected that the usual cleavages along classincome and ideological lines would somewhat blurred when compared to other Central-Eastern European countries or even some post-Soviet states such as Georgia and Ukraine.…”
Section: Expectations About Trade Bloc Alignment Preferencementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Conversely, we expected better educated and wealthier respondents, and people living in the west of the country (Grodno and Brest oblasts) as well as in the Minsk agglomeration to show higher levels of support for European Union membership. Belarus has been denoted as a "highly distinctive model of semi-peripheral capitalism ... in which economic and political power does not, fundamentally, lie with private capital but with a bureaucratic-paternalist state apparatus (Buzgalin and Kolgonov, 2021, 443), an emphasis also in Frear (2019). Because of this unusual political-economic structure, we expected that the usual cleavages along classincome and ideological lines would somewhat blurred when compared to other Central-Eastern European countries or even some post-Soviet states such as Georgia and Ukraine.…”
Section: Expectations About Trade Bloc Alignment Preferencementioning
confidence: 99%
“…The shift in the politics of Belarusian identity that occurred in recent years became perceived as an indication of “soft Belarusization” (Mojeiko 2015; Frear 2018; Posokhin 2019). It aims at stressing the distinct status of the Belarusian nation without antagonizing the positive image of Soviet past or declaring a course on strategic de-Russification.…”
Section: Symbolic Shiftsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Moreover, Lukashenka's regime proved highly adaptive for over a quarter of a century (Frear 2019). It dealt particularly harshly with the opposition after each presidential election (Ash 2015).…”
Section: Low Regime Vulnerabilitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…His staffing decisions were designed to prevent ambitious politicians from emerging and positioning themselves as feasible alternatives to his leadership. Thus, he refrained from appointing prominent figures to high political positions, pursued a policy of “cadre rotation,” and initiated criminal trials against officials from time to time, mostly for corruption (Frear 2019, ch. 4; Shraibman 2018).…”
Section: Regime and Opposition On The Eve Of The 2020 Presidential El...mentioning
confidence: 99%