Acoustic Cues for Nasal Consonants: An Experimental Study Involving a Tape-Splicing Technique

Malécot, André

doi:10.2307/411004

Cited by 101 publications

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“…The results in fact showed evidence for higher saliency of oral stops' place contrasts in the speech reception threshold condition, but also showed the evidence for the opposite pattern in the other three conditions. However, these results should again be interpreted with caution, because the experiment artificially removed bursts from the stimuli, which crucially affects the perceptibility of place contrasts (Kochetov & So, 2007;Malécot, 1956;Smits et al, 1996;Stevens & Blumstein, 1978;Tekieli & Cullinan, 1979;Winitz et al, 1972). This concern is not a trivial one, because in English even pre-consonantal consonants are often accompanied by a burst (Henderson & Repp, 1982).…”

Section: Previous Studiesmentioning

confidence: 96%

“…Beddor & Evans-Romaine (1995) suggest that "[a]n acoustic-perceptual account of nasal place assimilation might argue that place distinctions are perceptually less salient for nasal consonants than for oral stops" (p.147) and conclude that "place of articulation in syllable-final nasals is not perceptually robust" (p. 164). See also Martin & Peperkamp (2011) for general discussion of this view; for studies on general acoustic and perceptual characteristics of nasal place contrasts, see Beddor & Evans-Romaine (1995), Fujimura (1962), Kurowski & Blumstein (1984), Kurowski & Blumstein (1993), Malécot (1956), Narayan (2008), Repp (1986), and references cited therein.…”

Section: The Issue-why Do Nasals Assimilate In Place?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As observed in Figure 1, the tokens in Experiment I were clearly released. The role of release bursts in the perception of place contrasts has been well known (Kochetov & So, 2007;Malécot, 1956;Smits et al, 1996;Stevens & Blumstein, 1978;Tekieli & Cullinan, 1979;Winitz et al, 1972). Some authors argue that released consonants resist assimilation, because release bursts provide such a strong cue to the perception of place distinctions (Jun, 2003;Kohler, 1990;McCarthy, 2011;Padgett, 1995).…”

Section: Experiments Ii: Similarity Judgment Experimentsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Nasal place assimilation and the perceptibility of place contrasts

Kawahara

Garvey

2014

Open Linguistics

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Section: Previous Studiesmentioning

confidence: 96%

Section: The Issue-why Do Nasals Assimilate In Place?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Experiments Ii: Similarity Judgment Experimentsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Nasal place assimilation and the perceptibility of place contrasts

Kawahara

Garvey

2014

Open Linguistics

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“…None of them reported a speech hearing disorder or problem. Fifteen native Korean listeners were recruited 2 It is well-known that release bursts of post-vocalic (coda) stops affects and changes perceptibility of stops (Kochetov & So 2007, Malécot 1956, Repp 1984. Although the production of English stops often accompanies a release burst (Henderson & Repp 1982), or at least is considered a more canonical form among many allophonic variants (Sumner & Samuel 2005, Chang 2014), data from speech corpora suggest that a substantial proportion of stops are produced unreleased (Davidson 2011).…”

Section: Participantsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Relationship between perceptual accuracy and information measures: A cross-linguistic study

Kang

Johnson

2016

Journal of the Acoustical Society of America

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Relationship between perceptual accuracy and information measures: A cross-linguistic study by Shinae Kang Doctor of Philosophy in LinguisticsUniversity of California, BerkeleyProfessor Keith A. Johnson, ChairThe current dissertation studies how the information conveyed by different speech elements of English, Japanese and Korean correlates with perceptual accuracy. Two wellestablished information measures are used: weighted negative contextual predictability (informativity) of a speech element; and the contribution of a speech element to syllable differentiation, or functional load. This dissertation finds that the correlation between information and perceptual accuracy differs depending on both the type of information measure and the language of the listener.To compute the information measures, Chapter 2 introduces a new corpus consisting of all the possible syllables for each of the three languages. The chapter shows that the two information measures are inversely correlated.In Chapters 3 and 4, two perception experiments in audio-only and audiovisual modalities, respectively, are described. The experiments adopt a forced-choice-identification paradigm. In both experiments, subjects listened to VC.CV stimuli composed of spliced VC and CV chunks, and they were asked to identify the CC sequence. Multiple statistical models are constructed to predict the perceptual accuracy of a CC stop cluster from the associated information measures of relevant speech elements in the listeners' languages.The estimated models show that high informativity has a generally negative effect on the perceptual accuracy of stops. Functional load shows less consistent correlations with perceptual accuracy across different model specifications, but generally has a positive effect on the perceptual accuracy.In addition, Japanese listeners show highly consistent results across the two experiments and different model specifications. This contrasts with less consistent results for English and Korean listeners.The current dissertation provides the first empirical evidence for a significant relationship between informativity and functional load, and between the information measures of speech elements and their perceptual accuracy. Furthermore, it reveals how listeners' native 2 languages affect that relationship, and how the cross-linguistic variation of that relationship may be related to the characteristics of individual languages such as their syllable structures.

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“…Despite the fact that vowel transitions also carry place cues for nasal stops, the decision not to base the Perceptual Nasal-Stop Place Hierarchy on them was made for the following reason. Studies such as Cooper et al (1952), Liberman et al (1954), Malécot (1956), and Delattre (1958) have revealed that the F2 and F3 transition shapes which cue place of articulation in nasal stops are similar to those that serve the same purpose in their oral counterparts. That is to say that there is acoustic parallelism among the members of the sets /m b p/, /n d t/, and /ŋ ɡ k/.…”

Section: The Perceptual Cost Of Place Features In Nasal Stopsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Exceptional nasal-stop inventories

Piñeros

2016

catjl

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This article explores the topic of exceptionality in phonology focusing on nasal-stop inventories. A meticulous survey shows that it is normal for such systems to include at least two anterior units: /m/ and /n/. The finding that the introduction of /ŋ/, the first posterior unit to appear, normally follows that of both anterior units suggests that anteriority is somehow more compatible with this consonant class; however, this hypothesis is challenged by exceptions: /n/ is occasionally superseded by /ŋ/. The proposed analysis overturns the view that there is a single universal place hierarchy. It demonstrates that languages assess the cost of place features on multiple dimensions and that nasal-stop inventories are shaped by the conflict between three evaluation measures: one for articulatory cost, one for perceptual cost, and one for dispersion. A theory of far greater explanatory power emerges when each evaluation measure is empirically substantiated and their universality is strictly respected.Keywords: sound inventories; nasal stops; place features; exceptions; place hierarchies; universal rankings; articulatory cost; perceptual cost; dispersion Resum. Inventaris excepcionals d'oclusives nasalsAquest article explora el concepte d'excepcionalitat en fonologia en relació amb els inventaris de les oclusives nasals. Un repàs meticulós d'aquests inventaris demostra que és normal de trobar-hi com a mínim les dues nasals anteriors /m/ i /n/. El fet que la introducció de la nasal velar /ŋ/, la primera unitat posterior a aparèixer, vagi precedida normalment per la introducció de les dues unitats anteriors suggereix que l'anterioritat és d'alguna manera més compatible que la posterioritat pel que fa a la classe de les consonants nasals. Tot i això, aquesta hipòtesi es veu compromesa per algunes excepcions: /n/ és substituïda de manera ocasional per /ŋ/. L'anàlisi proposada en aquest article invalida la idea que hi ha una sola jerarquia pel que fa al punt d'articulació. S'hi demostra que les llengües avaluen el cost pel que fa als trets de punt d'articulació en diverses dimensions i que la forma dels inventaris de les consonants nasals ve determinada pel conflicte entre tres mesures d'avaluació: cost articulatori, cost perceptual i dispersió. S'assoleix una teoria amb molt més poder explicatiu quan cada mesura d'avaluació troba suport empíric i la seva universalitat es respecta estrictament.Paraules clau: inventari de sons; oclusives nasals; trets de punt d'articulació; excepcions; jerarquia de punts d'articulació; rànquings universals; cost articulatori; cost perceptiu; dispersió * This article benefited from the comments of two anonymous reviewers, to whom I would like to express my sincere gratitude. Funding for my research on nasal-stop inventories was provided by a University of Auckland Faculty Research Development Fund. This was crucial for the development of the database on which this article is based. I also want to acknowledge the help provided by my student Melissa Irvine, who was the Research Assista...

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Acoustic Cues for Nasal Consonants: An Experimental Study Involving a Tape-Splicing Technique

Cited by 101 publications

References 0 publications

Nasal place assimilation and the perceptibility of place contrasts

Nasal place assimilation and the perceptibility of place contrasts

Relationship between perceptual accuracy and information measures: A cross-linguistic study

Exceptional nasal-stop inventories

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