AAE as a bounded ethnolinguistic resource for white women with African American ties

Fix, Sonya

doi:10.1016/j.langcom.2013.11.004

Cited by 12 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…Hoffman and associates found that Toronto immigrants’ answers to an ethnic orientation questionnaire correlated with use of certain L2 features and participation in regional sound changes (Hoffman and Walker ; Nagy, Chociej and Hoffman ). Fix () and Newlin‐Łukowicz () used ethnographic insights to score participants according to their orientation to African American and Polish ethnic identities, respectively, finding that participation in regional sound changes differed for speakers who scored at different ends of the orientation spectra. Though less established than ethnic orientation indices, there have also been attempts at developing multifaceted indices of place orientation.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Displacement and local linguistic practices: R‐lessness in post‐Katrina Greater New Orleans

Carmichael

2017

Journal of Sociolinguistics

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Variable r‐lessness in New Orleans English is a salient linguistic feature tied to local place‐based identity. In this study, I examine rates of r‐lessness in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, which caused large‐scale displacement in the region. Participants come from the linguistically conservative suburb of Chalmette, where r‐lessness is more robust than in New Orleans proper. Participants’ connections to Chalmette were measured in two ways: (1) post‐Katrina location status, i.e. whether participants returned or relocated after the storm; (2) place orientation, captured via an ethnographically informed, multifaceted measure of stance and exposure to places outside of Chalmette. Analysis revealed that place orientation better predicts rates of r‐lessness than post‐Katrina location. I argue that the marked quality of r‐lessness makes it available for identity‐driven use to express a connection to Chalmette. This study demonstrates one way to account for the linguistic implications of individuals’ shifting allegiances to places they live(d).

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Displacement and local linguistic practices: R‐lessness in post‐Katrina Greater New Orleans

Carmichael

2017

Journal of Sociolinguistics

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“…There is a solid body of literature that uncovers native‐like uses of AAE by whites far removed from the appropriation and minstrelsy found in works like those described above. Authors such as Hatala (), Sweetland (), and Fix () all show ways in which whites who have a sense of belonging in African American communities can use AAE in a native‐like manner, rather unproblematically, in a very different way from the commodified forms more typically found among white speakers. White persons, then, are not constrained by their race to use of particular language, or avoidance of other types of speech, just as African Americans (or any other racial or ethnic group) are not tied to specific language forms.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘First things first, I'm the realest’: Linguistic appropriation, white privilege, and the hip‐hop persona of Iggy Azalea

Eberhardt

Freeman

2015

Journal of Sociolinguistics

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The 'hip-hop nation' is a multiethnic, transnational community that originates from and privileges urban African American experiences. Scholars have explored ways that non-African Americans worldwide use linguistic features of African American English (AAE) as a way of constructing hip-hop affiliated identities. The current paper ties these strands together in a study of the linguistic patterns of white Australian rapper Iggy Azalea, who makes use of AAE in her music, but not in other public speech. Our study presents a variationist analysis of copula absence in her lyrics. Findings show that her rates of this hallmark feature of AAE are extremely high, when compared to similar analyses of other rappers. We argue that her overzealous application of AAE features in her music, in order to create a specific linguistic style, enables a success that rests ultimately on the appropriation of African American language and culture, and the privilege that whiteness affords.

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“…Bortoni‐Ricardo ; Ivars ; Kerswill ; Berthele . For speakers adopting features of other ethnolects, see Wells ; Baugh ; Cutler ; Fix .…”

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confidence: 99%

Second Dialect Acquisition: A Sociophonetic Perspective

Nycz

2015

Language and Linguist. Compass

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Many people change aspects of their accent after moving to a new region. What kinds of changes are made, and why does it matter? Studies of second dialect acquisition (SDA) indicate that geographically mobile speakers change specific dialect features in ways that ref lect the complex interaction of linguistic, social, and developmental factors in language use. This article reviews these findings from a sociophonetic perspective, paying particular attention to their theoretical implications, the methodological issues associated with studying SDA, and avenues for future research.

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AAE as a bounded ethnolinguistic resource for white women with African American ties

Cited by 12 publications

References 33 publications

Displacement and local linguistic practices: R‐lessness in post‐Katrina Greater New Orleans

Displacement and local linguistic practices: R‐lessness in post‐Katrina Greater New Orleans

‘First things first, I'm the realest’: Linguistic appropriation, white privilege, and the hip‐hop persona of Iggy Azalea

Second Dialect Acquisition: A Sociophonetic Perspective

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