Variable r‐lessness in New Orleans English is a salient linguistic feature tied to local place‐based identity. In this study, I examine rates of r‐lessness in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, which caused large‐scale displacement in the region. Participants come from the linguistically conservative suburb of Chalmette, where r‐lessness is more robust than in New Orleans proper. Participants’ connections to Chalmette were measured in two ways: (1) post‐Katrina location status, i.e. whether participants returned or relocated after the storm; (2) place orientation, captured via an ethnographically informed, multifaceted measure of stance and exposure to places outside of Chalmette. Analysis revealed that place orientation better predicts rates of r‐lessness than post‐Katrina location. I argue that the marked quality of r‐lessness makes it available for identity‐driven use to express a connection to Chalmette. This study demonstrates one way to account for the linguistic implications of individuals’ shifting allegiances to places they live(d).
ObjectivesIn this study a prototype of a new health forecasting alert system is developed, which is aligned to the approach used in the Met Office’s (MO) National Severe Weather Warning Service (NSWWS). This is in order to improve information available to responders in the health and social care system by linking temperatures more directly to risks of mortality, and developing a system more coherent with other weather alerts. The prototype is compared to the current system in the Cold Weather and Heatwave plans via a case-study approach to verify its potential advantages and shortcomings.MethodThe prototype health forecasting alert system introduces an “impact vs likelihood matrix” for the health impacts of hot and cold temperatures which is similar to those used operationally for other weather hazards as part of the NSWWS. The impact axis of this matrix is based on existing epidemiological evidence, which shows an increasing relative risk of death at extremes of outdoor temperature beyond a threshold which can be identified epidemiologically. The likelihood axis is based on a probability measure associated with the temperature forecast. The new method is tested for two case studies (one during summer 2013, one during winter 2013), and compared to the performance of the current alert system.ConclusionsThe prototype shows some clear improvements over the current alert system. It allows for a much greater degree of flexibility, provides more detailed regional information about the health risks associated with periods of extreme temperatures, and is more coherent with other weather alerts which may make it easier for front line responders to use. It will require validation and engagement with stakeholders before it can be considered for use.
This article investigates variable future-time expression among native speakers of Hexagonal French who participated in informal conversations. The quantitative analysis is the first to examine the inflectional future, periphrastic future, and present indicative as separate forms within a single statistical model of French oral production. Results indicate that temporal distance and presence/absence of a temporal expression predict use of these verb forms. The second phase of the analysis focused on the use of the present indicative in future-time contexts. The examination of each instance of the present indicative shows that an immediate lexical temporal indicator is not necessary for this form to convey futurity and that future-time reference is often established at the discourse level and occasionally through apparent shared knowledge between the interlocutors. This investigation suggests the value of including the present indicative in the analysis of future-time reference in Hexagonal French in order to fully capture variation.
New Orleans English (NOE) has always stood out amongst Southern Englishes, since NOE speakers do not participate in the Southern vowel shift, and instead display features more commonly associated with New York City English. While these traditional features of NOE are on the decline, this study establishes the adoption of a new feature in the dialect that is similarly distinctive within the Gulf South: the pre-voiceless raising of the nucleus of /au/. Based on statistical analyses and consideration of the social context in post-Katrina New Orleans, this paper argues that this feature is a change in progress which appears to pre-date the demographic shifts following Hurricane Katrina, and which arose independently rather than due to contact with /au/-raising speakers. The social and phonetic findings in this paper converge to support arguments for the naturalness of raising in pre-voiceless environments, and for the likelihood of this feature being more widely adopted within the region. Moreover, the presence of Canadian raising of /au/ in NOE represents an additional way that the local dialect continues to diverge from patterns in the vowel systems found in nearby Southern dialects, and retain its uniqueness within the American South.
As “local,” “authentic,” “working class,” “white,” “urban,” and “salt of the earth” characters, Vic and Nat'ly, the protagonists of Bunny Matthews's classic comic strip, embody all of the stereotypes of a New Orleans–based “Yat” identity. In this paper, we examine written representations of Yat English in Vic & Nat'ly strips, analyzing these results in comparison with current linguistic data from actual New Orleans English speakers and contextualizing our interpretation in terms of social and historical changes within post‐Katrina New Orleans. We find that many of the linguistic features exaggerated in the comic (e.g., oil as “erl”) have been stigmatized almost to the point of nonexistence in the speech of working‐class whites today, such that the characters Vic and Nat'ly do not accurately represent any current group of native New Orleanians, despite being held up as quintessential New Orleanians imbued with local authenticity. While Vic & Nat'ly comics celebrate a New Orleans identity that is increasingly dear to Yat and non‐Yat residents alike, we argue that the representation is based more in nostalgia than faithful rendering of the current sociolinguistic landscape, and that commodification based on this nostalgia in some ways erases the realities of modern New Orleans, in particular the role that black New Orleanians play in representations of authenticity.
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