A Test of Objectification Theory with Lesbian Women

Kozee, Holly B.; Tylka, Tracy L.

doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2006.00310.x

Cited by 170 publications

(192 citation statements)

References 37 publications

(86 reference statements)

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“…Empirical studies have demonstrated that both interpersonal forms (Hill & Fischer, 2008;Kozee & Tylka, 2006;Kozee, Tylka, Augustus-Horvath, & Denchik, 2007; BODY GUILT Moradi, Dirks, & Matteson, 2005) and media forms (Harper & Tiggemann, 2008;Morry & Staska, 2001) of sexual objectification predict state self-objectification and self-surveillance.…”

Section: Self-objectification and Related Consequencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Body Guilt

Calogero

Pina

2011

Psychology of Women Quarterly

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Two studies investigated body guilt (i.e., feeling regret and remorse over how the body looks and a desire for reparative action to ÒfixÓ the body) within the framework of objectification theory among predominantly White British undergraduate women. In Study 1 (N=225), participants completed self-report measures of interpersonal sexual objectification, self-surveillance, body shame, body guilt, and eating restraint. Path analyses indicated support for the inclusion of body guilt in the objectification model, with body shame and body guilt fully mediating the relationship between self-surveillance and eating restraint. In Study 2 (N=85), participants reported higher body guilt, self-surveillance, body shame, and eating restraint when selfobjectification was situationally activated, compared to the activation of body empowerment or a neutral condition. Path analyses in the second study replicated the objectification model from Study 1 with a state measure of self-objectification. These findings suggest that women also feel guilt (in addition to shame) about their bodies when attention is directed toward their physical appearance and wish to ÒcorrectÓ their body via disordered eating. Acknowledging womenÕs feelings of guilt in relation to not meeting restrictive beauty standards furthers our understanding of womenÕs experience of objectification, and provides an additional target for reducing womenÕs mental health risks.

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Section: Self-objectification and Related Consequencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Body Guilt

Calogero

Pina

2011

Psychology of Women Quarterly

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“…Empirical studies have demonstrated that both interpersonal forms (Hill & Fischer, 2007;Kozee & Tylka, 2006; Running head: OBJECTIFICATION THEORY AND COSMETIC SURGERY 5 Kozee, Tylka, Augustus-Horvath, & Denchik, 2007;Moradi, Dirks, & Matteson, 2005) and media forms (Harper & Tiggemann, 2008;Morry & Staska, 2001) of sexual objectification contribute to self-objectification. Moreover, there is strong evidence from studies of women across North America, Australia, and the U.K. indicating that self-objectification, and the concomitant self-surveillance, exact significant costs on womenÕs subjective well-being (Breines, Crocker, & Garcia, 2008;Fairchild & Rudman, 2008) and cognitive performance (Fredrickson, Roberts, Noll, Quinn, & Twenge, 1998;Quinn, Kallen, Twenge, & Fredrickson, 2006), with a greater prevalence of self-harming behavior (Harell, Fredrickson, Pomerleau, Nolen-Hoeksema, 2006;Muehlenkamp, Swanson, & Brausch, 2005) and a disproportionately higher rate of mental health risks, including depression (Grabe, Hyde, & Lindberg, 2007;Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004), disordered eating (Calogero, Davis, & Thompson, 2005;Tylka & Hill, 2004), and sexual dysfunction (Calogero & Thompson, 2009b;Steer & Tiggemann, 2008).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Objectification Theory Predicts College Women’s Attitudes Toward Cosmetic Surgery

et al. 2010

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This study investigated cosmetic surgery attitudes within the framework of objectification theory. One hundred predominantly White, British undergraduate women completed self-report measures of impression management, global self-esteem, interpersonal sexual objectification, self-surveillance, body shame, and three components of cosmetic surgery attitudes. As expected, each of the objectification theory variables predicted greater consideration of having cosmetic surgery in the future. Also, as expected, sexual objectification and body shame uniquely predicted social motives for cosmetic surgery, whereas self-surveillance uniquely predicted intrapersonal motives for cosmetic surgery. These findings suggest that womenÕs acceptance of cosmetic surgery as a way to manipulate physical appearance can be partially explained by the degree to which they view themselves through the lenses of sexual and self-objectification.

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“…Gaze, which is a direct form of interpersonal sexual objectification (Fredrickson and Roberts 1997), may impact women's and men's body image and eating behaviors differently based on their sexual orientation, and this difference may be more pronounced for men. Girls, regardless of their sexual orientation, tend to start receiving messages to be attractive well before their sexual identity is in place, which may or may not influence their body image as they mature (Kozee and Tylka 2006). Gay men also experience male gaze (Wood 2004) and often feel pressure to achieve the mesomorphic body ideal because they wish to attract men who also fit this ideal (Carper et al 2010;Wiseman and Moradi 2010).…”

Section: Stream One: Gendered Body Constructionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Professionals also could help girls and women develop an appreciative view of their body and its ability to function, as this appreciation may protect women from the potentially negative consequences of self-objectification (Rubin and Steinberg 2011;Wood-Barcalow et al 2010;Kozee and Tylka 2006). As Rubin and Steinberg found, pregnancy, a manifestation of the body's functionality, is one opportune period for this intervention.…”

Section: Challenge Myths Of the Gendered Body Idealmentioning

confidence: 99%

Fiction, Fashion, and Function Finale: An Introduction and Conclusion to the Special Issue on Gendered Body Image, Part III

Tylka

Calogero

2011

Sex Roles

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Culture specifies standards for women's and men's body appearance and display. In Western cultures, these standards are both concentrated and ubiquitous in the media, represented as gendered body ideals for citizens to aspire toward. Because gendered body ideals are revered, individuals try to construct and portray their body consistently with these ideals. Furthermore, because gendered body ideals are narrowly defined and restrictive, individuals constrict their behavior, relationships, and perceptions of themselves and others to fall within the parameters of these ideals. The third and final issue of this series showcases innovative studies within two streams. The first stream investigates the many ways individuals invest effort into constructing and/or portraying their body to fit the gendered body ideal. The second stream addresses the diverse ways internalization of these ideals constrict individuals' relationships, freedoms, and perceptions of others' bodies and lifestyles. We discuss the empirical articles alongside points raised in films by Jhally (2009) and Clark (2009) that emphasize how media portrayals of gendered body ideals foster body-related constructions and constrictions in viewers. We emphasize intersectionality when presenting the articles, recognizing that gender combines with multiple identities (e.g., sexual orientation, race, political affiliation, and age) as well as individual difference variables to mold the degree to which individuals construct and constrict themselves and others to fit gendered body ideals. We end with a discussion of how these articles can be used to generate social change by deconstructing and delegitimizing gendered body ideals.

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A Test of Objectification Theory with Lesbian Women

Cited by 170 publications

References 37 publications

Body Guilt

Body Guilt

Objectification Theory Predicts College Women’s Attitudes Toward Cosmetic Surgery

Fiction, Fashion, and Function Finale: An Introduction and Conclusion to the Special Issue on Gendered Body Image, Part III

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