A scientific approach to measure public political participation in Pakistan

Mangi, Shah Nawaz; Shah, Naimatullah; Soomro, Bahadur Ali

doi:10.1080/02185377.2019.1576056

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 78 publications

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“…From the point of view of Pakistan, lack of real democratic political parties is the most common reason why people don't vote. A political party is a group of people who agree on political goals for the masses and representation of every person (Mangi et al, 2019). In same way, most people agree that true democratic political parties have democratic norms and values and follow democratic practices, like representing lower and middle classes, holding intra-party elections, considering issues brought up by supporters, educating voters about political values, and representing the people's opinion in parliament (Butt et al, 2021) Democracy is the most desirable form of political organization since it allows for political liberty.…”

Section: Political Participation (Pp)mentioning

confidence: 99%

POWER-DISTANCE & POLITICAL APATHY: SURVEY OF FACULTY MEMBERS IN HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTION

Fatima¹,

Nawaz²,

Kundi³

2023

JSSD

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The culture in Hofstede's work offered a lens through which to view cross-cultural disparities. The model proposes the concept of 'power distance (PD)' as means of understanding the gap between authority and power between governors/leaders and the governed/followers. 'Political apathy' (PA) and alienation are common among citizens who experience high power distance (High-PD). Citizens are more likely to get involved in politics, vote, and take action when there is less of a gap between them and those in the power. The purpose of this research was to quantify the quality of these connection from the perspective of academics at Thal University Bhakkar, Punjab Pakistan. The results of study provide significant information about the existence of the potential relationships between variables which thus help in reaching the desired conclusion. The positive and negative associations between PD and PA and PP are supported by field research. It will be crucial for stakeholders to adapt their strategies and practices in light of the recommendations made in the field study.

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Section: Political Participation (Pp)mentioning

confidence: 99%

POWER-DISTANCE & POLITICAL APATHY: SURVEY OF FACULTY MEMBERS IN HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTION

Fatima¹,

Nawaz²,

Kundi³

2023

JSSD

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“…The Union Council Administration represented the lowest tier, the Tahsil/Town Municipal Administration (TMA) represented the middle tier of local government, and the District Government was the highest local government level (Mohmand and Cheema 2007, p. 47). However, the relevant literature shows that the Pakistani military establishment introduced these local governing bodies simply to legitimise their military regimes (Cheema et al 2005;Abbasi 2006;Mangi et al 2019;Mohmand and Cheema 2007).…”

Section: The Local Governments Of Pakistanmentioning

confidence: 99%

Fragile states, decentralisation and the nature of barriers to citizen participation in local government: a view from Pakistan

Ali

2022

SN Soc Sci

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The purpose of decentralisation reforms is to narrow the gap between the public and government and increase public participation in decision-making. However, empirical evidence from developing countries suggests otherwise. A case in point is Pakistan, even though it has a well-structured local government system consisting of three levels of government, district, tehsil and union councils. Nevertheless, Pakistan’s nascent but fragile democracy and the non-democratic nature of decision-making at the state level prevent public participation and as a result do not remove but rather create obstacles to citizens’ involvement in service delivery. This paper therefore argues that citizen participation in Pakistan’s local government system faces more barriers which are imposed by the centralised state rather than removing hurdles to community participation. I demonstrate that having well-structured local governments is not enough for community engagement instead of a nation-state’s strong commitment to pro-community participation. The aim of this study is to identify and examine the barriers to public participation and how they prevent participation in the local government service delivery process, especially when non-democratic countries such as Pakistan introduce local government reforms. A qualitative study was carried out with a questionnaire containing seven open-ended qualitative questions. The thematically analysed results show that the military establishment introduced local government systems which have used local governments to suppress community autonomy and prevent community participation. As there is a patron/client relationship between the central government of Pakistan and the feudal lords and local elites, local elites have indulged in corruption and favouritism which hinder public participation at the grassroots level in the local governments in the province of Sindh, in Pakistan.

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“…Voting is normally seen as a dichotomous variable with an 'either/or' possibility. It is either one voted or one did not vote, leading some scholars (Mangi, Shah and Ali Soomro 2019) to describe voting as one of the easiest among the varied forms of political participation. In reality, however, voting as a measure of political participation is not as unproblematic as some scholars suggest, especially in the Nigerian context.…”

Section: Women's Participation In the Electoral Processmentioning

confidence: 99%

Women’s Political Participation and its Predictors in Northern and Southern Nigeria

Oladapo¹,

Atela²,

Agbalajobi³

2021

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The United Nations Development Programme states that women’s political participation is a necessary ingredient for a peaceful and resilient society, yet large gender gaps obstinately persist in many countries around the globe. With a focus on Nigeria and using an analysis of data from Nigeria’s 2015 and 2019 General Elections and Afrobarometer’s 2018 Nigeria Round 7 survey, this paper explores variations of women’s political participation across Southern and Northern Nigeria. In recent times, Northern Nigeria has experienced extensive conflict, and Southern Nigeria outperforms the north in terms of women’s education, participation in paid employment and control of earnings. Given these factors, conventional wisdom among policy actors and researchers would predict that women in Southern Nigeria should have considerably higher rates of political participation than those in Northern Nigeria. However, digging deeper into the available data on political participation, the paper suggests that factors such as education and employment do not predict the dimensions of women’s political participation or can predict the unexpected. The paper concludes that policymakers may need to look beyond these conventional factors when supporting programmes on women’s political participation in Nigeria. More research is needed into contextual factors to better understand what lies behind the varying levels of women’s political participation in Northern and Southern Nigeria.

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A scientific approach to measure public political participation in Pakistan

Cited by 4 publications

References 78 publications

POWER-DISTANCE & POLITICAL APATHY: SURVEY OF FACULTY MEMBERS IN HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTION

POWER-DISTANCE & POLITICAL APATHY: SURVEY OF FACULTY MEMBERS IN HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTION

Fragile states, decentralisation and the nature of barriers to citizen participation in local government: a view from Pakistan

Women’s Political Participation and its Predictors in Northern and Southern Nigeria

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