A rendszerváltozás utáni magyar feminista mozgalom globális, történeti perspektívából

Barna, Radu; Csányi, Gergely; Gagyi, Ágnes; Gerőcs, Tamás

doi:10.32564/108-109.11

Cited by 7 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…22. Barna et al (2018), discussing the specificities and changes in feminism after the system change in Hungary, single out the 2008 crisis as the emergence of Marxist feminist criticism of the structural consequences of global capitalism for women's life on the periphery of the European Union-though they avoid using Marxism for naming their stance. 23.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(Kováts 2017, 116-117;italics added) The excerpt reiterates, without naming, the antagonistically presented choice as emerged in the recent struggles between progressive feminism and transactivism in Hungary. The conflict is summed up from the socalled progressive point of view in Barna et al (2018). 26 This exclusionary fight in Hungary is similar to the English-American so-called TERF war (trans-exclusionary radical feminist)-the parallel is drawn between the two by the Barna et al survey study as well.…”

Section: Progressive Feminist Self-reflexivity and Neoliberalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Paradoxes of the Right-Wing Sexual/Gender Politics in Hungary: Right-Wing Populism and the Ban of Gender Studies

Barát

2021

Paradoxical Right-Wing Sexual Politics in Europe

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In my chapter, I describe the exclusionary discourse strategies of the current Hungarian right-wing populist discourse dominating the political field in the 2010s. I argue that the paradox in radical right-wing sexual politics comes about in a situation where hate-speech has become the mundane practice of communication by government propaganda. It promises a successful strategy for dealing with the social reality that is arguably represented as various forms of "crisis". The diverse and contradictory constituent elements of the government rhetoric of hate are worked into a "logical coherence" in multiple ways. One major strategy of this rhetoric is to produce coherence through diverse chains of equivalences around the concept of "gender-ideology" functioning as an empty signifier (Laclau 1996, 36-46). It serves to legitimize the stigmatizations E. Barát (B)

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Progressive Feminist Self-reflexivity and Neoliberalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Paradoxes of the Right-Wing Sexual/Gender Politics in Hungary: Right-Wing Populism and the Ban of Gender Studies

Barát

2021

Paradoxical Right-Wing Sexual Politics in Europe

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“…Development in this framework is understood as a universal and evolutionary process (Lucas dos Santos and Banerjee 2019: 4). It is argued within this narrative that the success of catching up depends on the cultural specificities of the semi-peripheral countries (Barna et al, 2018). Put differently, such a narrative is built on the symbolic supremacy-or cultural hegemony-of countries at the center of the global economy (the United States or those in Western Europe) and on the expectation that semi-peripheral countries (such as those in the CEE region) need, and are able to catch up with, countries at the center of the global economy (Barna et al, 2018).…”

Section: Peripheralization Political Discontent and Social And Solidarity Economymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It is argued within this narrative that the success of catching up depends on the cultural specificities of the semi-peripheral countries (Barna et al, 2018). Put differently, such a narrative is built on the symbolic supremacy-or cultural hegemony-of countries at the center of the global economy (the United States or those in Western Europe) and on the expectation that semi-peripheral countries (such as those in the CEE region) need, and are able to catch up with, countries at the center of the global economy (Barna et al, 2018). Catching up is interpreted as the achievement of a moral and aptitudinal similarity, while the lack of catching up is a moral and aptitudinal gap (Böröcz 2006).…”

Section: Peripheralization Political Discontent and Social And Solidarity Economymentioning

confidence: 99%

Peripheralization, Political Discontent, and Social and Solidarity Economy—Case Studies From Rural Hungary and Germany

Mihály

2022

Front. Polit. Sci.

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The reintegration of Central and Eastern European (CEE) economies into globalized capitalism resulted in increasing regional polarization and the emergence of internal peripheries. The crisis of the globalized capitalist economy in 2008 resulted in the further peripheralization of rural areas, and the related crisis of representative democracies triggered rural resentment against the existing order. Inhabitants of peripheralized areas have a feeling of abandonment and political discontent. The rise of right-wing populism may be understood as a revolt of people living in precarious conditions in peripheralized areas both in Hungary and Germany. Left-wing populism, which builds on equality and social justice and is based on radical democracy, has not been able so far to reach the precaritized inhabitants of peripheralized rural areas. Solidarity economy, which is a contemporary social movement, refers to a comprehensive program aimed at transforming the entire economy, and may have the potential to address the political discontent of people living in peripheralized rural areas. In spite of the rising support for right-wing populism, social and solidarity economy (SSE) initiatives are being carried out in rural peripheries. These initiatives are based on the principles of participatory and economic democracy. Spaces provided by SSE initiatives can become forums for deliberation and co-management to develop economic democracy and become seeds of a solidarity economy movement in CEE. Therefore, based on a critical realist ethnographic approach, this paper aims to answer the question of how SSE initiatives may address the everyday material challenges and political discontent of people living in peripheralized villages by studying two SSE initiatives being carried out in two contrasting cases of peripheralization. Studying SSE initiatives in relation to 1) the locality they are embedded in, 2) “subaltern” groups within the locality, and 3) participatory, economic and 4) representative democracy helps to better understand in what ways SSE initiatives can mobilize political discontent to strengthen the solidarity economy movement in CEE.

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“…She shows that US mainstream feminism became hegemonic globally through its dominant role in the international Women's Congresses in the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s. Consequently, in the 1990s a more neoliberalism-conformable agenda was transmitted to feminists on a global scale which ignored the structural and political differences which result from the semiperipheral position of countries in the global accumulation regime (Barna et al, 2018). The dependence on such international donors who promote legal advocacy of women's rights and fighting against discrimination left less space for a more radical, system-critical movement.…”

Section: The Infrastructure Of Political Representation and The Develmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political Representation and Spokespersons in the Prostitution vs. Sex Work Debate

Katona¹

2020

Intersections

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A binary debate has developed internationally between abolitionists and sex workers’ rights (SWR) activists: this involves the so-called ‘sex wars’, which dominate the scholarship and activism regarding commercial sex worldwide. While abolitionists aim to eliminate prostitution, which they see as a manifestation of patriarchy and violence against women, SWR activists aim to recognize sex work as work, and to fight for better working conditions in the sex industry. Both movements have become institutionalized, and various local NGOs and international networks have been established to advocate for these political aims. These organizations try to influence national and international legislation regarding the selling of sex by building powerful alliances. The financial support of donors is also dependent on how compatible these movements are with neoliberal power relations. Furthermore, the development and political influence of local abolitionist or sex worker movements also depends on countries’ positions in the global economy. The paper analyses the political representation and the role of spokespersons within the prostitution/sex work debate and also reflects on the advocacy work of Hungarian organizations active in this field since 1989. It discusses the evolution of a politics of recognition in the struggle related to commercial sex, and how transnational power dynamics on a global scale have affected Hungarian movements and civil society organizations since the era of state socialism.

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A rendszerváltozás utáni magyar feminista mozgalom globális, történeti perspektívából

Cited by 7 publications

References 10 publications

Paradoxes of the Right-Wing Sexual/Gender Politics in Hungary: Right-Wing Populism and the Ban of Gender Studies

Paradoxes of the Right-Wing Sexual/Gender Politics in Hungary: Right-Wing Populism and the Ban of Gender Studies

Peripheralization, Political Discontent, and Social and Solidarity Economy—Case Studies From Rural Hungary and Germany

Political Representation and Spokespersons in the Prostitution vs. Sex Work Debate

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