A nominal defence? NATO threat perception and responses in the Balkan area, 1951–1967

Chourchoulis, Dionysios

doi:10.1080/14682745.2012.671297

Cited by 5 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 2 publications

(2 reference statements)

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“…Traditionally, national threat perceptions are salient in threat perceptions literature (see Blank, 2008;Chourchoulis, 2012;Darwich, 2016;Farnham, 2003;Fordham, 1998;Gries et al, 2009;Jung, 2010;Kemmelmeier, & Winter, 2000;Minkina, 2011;Ridout, Grosse, & Appleton, 2008;Sinkkonen, & Elovainio, 2020;Tamaki, 2012;Vinayaraj, 2009;Zhu, 2002). Threat of nuclear war had been added to this during the Cold War (see Lebovic, 2009;Mayton II, 1986;Schatz, & Fiske, 1992).…”

Section: The Political Psychology Of Threat Perceptionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Current Approaches in Social Sciences

Babayiğit,

Gezgin,

Cesur

et al. 2023

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Technological developments and globalization has changed human nature. This change directly affects all stages of human life. At this point, it becomes inevitable to carry out research on people and human life. All studies carried out in the field of Social Sciences aim to understand human, human life and human nature. In this work, which was put forward in order to understand the human, different studies from different disciplines were discussed and a step was tried to be built in order to reach this goal, albeit to some extent.

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Section: The Political Psychology Of Threat Perceptionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Current Approaches in Social Sciences

Babayiğit,

Gezgin,

Cesur

et al. 2023

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“…In effect the doctrine meant that any attack on Greek borders by a country of the Eastern Bloc would be considered a casus belli for the NATO alliance (Wells Jr., 1981). Until 1955 when the Greek-Turkish rivalry reached its first peak, Bulgaria was considered the main external threat for Greek interests (Chourchoulis 2012). The geographical formation of the borders with Bulgaria and Yugoslavia offered no advantage to Greece as the latter lacked strategic depth to develop its defending forces or even plan a counterattack.…”

Section: An Overview Of Greece's Nato Membershipmentioning

confidence: 99%

Greece as a frontline state in the historical longue durée

Kotoulas

2021

Journal of Military Studies

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Greece as a state in South-eastern Europe and the Mediterranean has perceived itself as a frontline state, especially after it became a NATO member in 1952 along with Turkey. The two states formed the south-eastern flank of NATO and along with Iran constituted the Greece, Turkey, Iran (GTI) Corridor, part of Rimland. Greece’s strategic value stemmed from its frontline position in relation to the Eastern Bloc. After the dissolution of the Eastern Bloc, Greece has reinvented itself as a frontline state, this time in the Mediterranean Sea. We use the historical notion of longue durée and loci of Classical Geopolitics, such as Heartland and Rimland, to assess Greece’s strategic value in the long period. We also propose an additional spatial unity, the New Rimland.

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“…To make matters worse, by the mid-1960s Greece and Turkey lacked the economic base to move on to the elaborate, technology-oriented military organization which NATO demanded. For all practical purposes, NATO military doctrine was only partially applicable in their case because of their economic weakness and strategic vulnerability (Iatrides 1968;Hatzivassiliou 2006;Chourchoulis 2012).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Revisiting NATO’s stabilizing role in south-eastern Europe: the Cold War experience and thelongue durée

Hatzivassiliou

2012

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies

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A nominal defence? NATO threat perception and responses in the Balkan area, 1951–1967

Cited by 5 publications

References 2 publications

Current Approaches in Social Sciences

Current Approaches in Social Sciences

Greece as a frontline state in the historical longue durée

Revisiting NATO’s stabilizing role in south-eastern Europe: the Cold War experience and thelongue durée

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