A Move to Majoritarian Nationalism? Challenges of Representation in South Asia

Adeney, Katharine

doi:10.1080/00344893.2015.1026213

Cited by 24 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 24 publications

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“…In a nutshell, by acting tough on Kashmir and making it a battleground for majoritarian nationalism, 47 the BJP has sought to appease its core constituency without due regard for the preferences among the inhabitants of the Valley in particular. Comparative scholarship on conflict management in (post)-conflict societies suggests that such an approach could destabilize the region even further.…”

Section: The Accommodation Of Ethno-national Difference: the Case Of mentioning

confidence: 99%

Modi-fying Indian Federalism? Center-State Relations Under Modi's Tenure as Prime Minister

Sharma¹,

Swenden²

2018

INPP

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2 of counterinsurgency, in Nagaland and Kashmir, he asserts that ideological penetration of the "politics of conflict resolution" has profoundly affected counterinsurgency operations in both theaters. Where ideological penetration is high, the state has evinced a willingness to accept the logic of ballots; where it is weak, the logic of ballots has been made subservient to the logic of bullets. AbstractFor the first time since 1984, the 2014 general elections handed a majority in the Lok Sabha to a single party. This article provides a critical assessment of what the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party has meant for the dynamics of center-state relations in India. In doing so, the article first engages with the concept of "competitive-cooperative federalism" and more widely with a framework that allows us to locate shifts in center-state relations across three dimensions: the political, the fiscal, and the administrative. Overall, we argue that despite the BJP's promise to put "center-state relations on an even keel" these relations have become more centralized under the Prime Ministership of Narendra Modi. At the same time, this process of centralization has not been uniform across the three identified dimensions: centralization is strongest in the political domain, but weakest in fiscal matters, where the central government felt bound by the recommendations of the XIV Finance Commission and by longstanding intergovernmental discussions on overhauling India's complex indirect taxation system with a polity-wide Goods and Services Tax, the management of which relies on center-state consent.

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Section: The Accommodation Of Ethno-national Difference: the Case Of mentioning

confidence: 99%

Modi-fying Indian Federalism? Center-State Relations Under Modi's Tenure as Prime Minister

Sharma¹,

Swenden²

2018

INPP

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“…When assessing the quality of Indian democracy, the extent of the business MP cohort and power of business need attention. Discussions of consociational democracy raise the issue of sharing of power between different ascriptive groups, and many of these groups are under-represented and excluded in contemporary India (Adeney, 2015). However, the over-representation of wealthy, private-sector oriented law makers needs more discussion.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Spectral Presence of Business in India’s 2019 Election

Sinha

Wyatt

2019

Studies in Indian Politics

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Shifts in the balance of India’s economy towards private production have re-opened a debate over the role of the business in its polity. Business interests have found new ways to influence the state at different levels and through multiple institutions. This article concentrates on the composition of the 17th Lok Sabha and its porosity towards business (around 28.4% of these MPs have self-reported business careers). A growing of number of ‘industrialists’ and entrepreneurs have branched out into a legislative career; they complement a fast-emerging group of entrepreneurial politicians, who already use their legislative and institutional location to develop business interests for themselves and their families. We find that the influence and power of business has become diffuse and central at the same time; it seeped into every aspect of the election campaign and voting process: political recruitment, finance, issues, and policies—in tangible and intangible ways. This spectral presence of business is shaping Indian elections, parties, and democracy and in turn consolidating India’s economic reforms and pro-business polity.

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“…[Insert Table 1 About Here] A 'group-dominant' approach to diversity implies that state power is 'captured' or 'controlled' by one or at the most a few groups in the state, reducing the political, social and civic rights of members belonging to groups who do not share the same language, religion and/or caste affiliation of the dominant elite. Usually, but not always, the group in control of the state presents a demographic majority, which is why the term 'majoritarianism' is sometimes used (Adeney 2015). An 'integrationist approach,' on the other hand, recognizes the right of individuals to profess their choice of religion or express their caste, tribal or linguistic identity in the private sphere, but does not see a need for group-targeted policies (McGarry 2008).…”

Section: Institutional Dynamics In the Management Of Diversity: A Framentioning

confidence: 99%

Governing Diversity in South Asia: Explaining Divergent Pathways in India and Pakistan

Swenden

2017

Publius: The Journal of Federalism

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This article applies a comparative-historical analysis (critical junctures and multiple-orders framework) to understand how and why India and Pakistan chose different strategies for the management of diversity after Partition, despite their common colonial roots. After identifying several strategies for the management of diversity the article traces the factors which account for a predominantly group-dominant approach to diversity in Pakistan and an integrationist approach in India. The analysis highlights the relevance of structural antecedent conditions during colonial times: namely the accommodationist tradition within Congress, and the absence thereof in Pakistan (Muslim League) and the group-dominant legacy of the military and civil service. The comparison also draws attention to gradual processes of change within a dominant path and nuances the relevance of elections as sufficient mechanisms for strengthening accommodation. For elections to fulfil this accommodationist potential they need to be embedded within a liberal constitutional framework.

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A Move to Majoritarian Nationalism? Challenges of Representation in South Asia

Cited by 24 publications

References 24 publications

Modi-fying Indian Federalism? Center-State Relations Under Modi's Tenure as Prime Minister

Modi-fying Indian Federalism? Center-State Relations Under Modi's Tenure as Prime Minister

The Spectral Presence of Business in India’s 2019 Election

Governing Diversity in South Asia: Explaining Divergent Pathways in India and Pakistan

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