A Legal Geography of Yugoslavia's Disintegration

Trbovich, Ana S.

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195333435.001.0001

Cited by 43 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…One of the SFRY’s republics, BiH, with its three socially and culturally distinct constituencies, was in a politically awkward position. Some residents of BiH, primarily Bosnian Serbs, desired to stay with a Yugoslavia dominated by the Republic of Serbia, whereas others, primarily Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats, favored decentralization and eventual independence (Budimlić et al, 2010; Hjort and Frisen, 2006; Trbovich, 2008). After several years of political wrangling, a national sovereignty election was held in early 1992, which was boycotted by Bosnian Serbs.…”

Section: The Balkans War: 1992–5mentioning

confidence: 99%

Youthful victimization in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina: A multi-level analysis of a national sample

Rees¹,

Winfree

2021

European Journal of Criminology

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Intra-national conflicts with racial or ethnic elements can complicate post-war reconciliation. From 1992 to 1995, much of the former Yugoslavia, a nation largely drawn from three distinct ethnic groups, was embroiled in such a conflict. After the signing of the Dayton Peace Accord, it was feared that schools would become a surrogate battlefield for school-aged children within the newly created nation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Group threat theory and the imbalance of power thesis provide differing views on such conflicts. Group threat theory posits that as a population – in this case a school – approaches maximum ethnic diversity, the residents – in this case the students – will feel increasingly threatened, resulting in higher cross-group victimizations. The imbalance of power thesis suggests that a group’s decision to victimize another group depends on the relative lack of ethnic diversity: The extent to which one ethnic group dominates a school, the likelihood of victimization of any smaller groups increases. We explore which of these two theories best explains victimization levels within a sample of 2003 school-aged BiH adolescents born in areas dominated by Muslim Bosnians, Eastern Orthodox Serbians, or Roman Catholic Croatians. We find that there is an ethnic component to victimizations: students born in Serbia face higher levels of victimization than do their Bosnian-born counterparts under conditions that fit better with group threat theory than the imbalance of power thesis. We speculate about the significance of these findings for national ethnic harmony in BiH.

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Section: The Balkans War: 1992–5mentioning

confidence: 99%

Youthful victimization in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina: A multi-level analysis of a national sample

Rees¹,

Winfree

2021

European Journal of Criminology

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“…Он каже да муслимани себе сматрају правим Турцима, "премда ни од стотине један не зна Турски". 35 Разрађујући ову тезу, Вук Караџић за католике истиче да себе "зову по мјестима у којима живе": Славонци, Босанци (или Бошњаци), Далматинци и Дубровчани, а да их књижевници зову Илири или Илирци. Он додаје да их прaвославци зову још и: Буњевцима (у Бачкој), Шокцима (у Срему, Славонији и Хрватској), те Латинима (око Дубровника и по Боки Которској), а "у пријатељскоме разговору" и Кршћанима.…”

Section: да ли идентитетски примат припада српству или православљу?unclassified

Religious and ethnic context of the Serbian strategic culture

Subotić¹

2020

Vojno delo

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In the paper entitled "Religion as a factor of strategic culture on the examples of Christianity and Islam" there is an analysis of the ideas and values that distinguish what is "allowed" and what isn't, primarily in the use of force. This paper has a global character, so there was the need to continue the research on how religion participates in the strategic orientation of specific countries. How does Serbia relate to this factor of strategic culture? To what extent does it participate in the current political reality? How does this factor communicate with the equivalent narratives in the surrounding countries, especially in the light of the conflicts during the 1990s? Where is the difference between the ethnic and religious context of the identity? To what extent do these two contexts support each other, and to what extent are they an obstacle to the identity profiling of our society? These are some of the research questions of this paper. The multidisciplinary approach and the referred literature represent a valid framework for correct and objective answers to the mentioned questions.

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“…The wide array of studies on decentralization and federalism in Yugoslavia and its successor states highlights that Yugoslavia is a very good case for understanding decentralization reforms (Pleština 1992b;Ramet 1992;Bunce 1999;Lampe 2000;Trbovich 2008;Basta 2010). Former Yugoslavia is a critical case study that can illuminate how centre-periphery relations unfold after authoritarian rule and conflicts.…”

Section: The Case Studies: Serbia and Croatia In The Context Of Formementioning

confidence: 99%

Political Elites and Decentralization Reforms in the Post-Socialist Balkans

Kleibrink¹

2015

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South-East Europe presents a compelling agenda: a region that has challenged European identities, values and interests like no other at formative periods of modern history, and is now undergoing a set of complex transitions. It is a region made up of new and old European Union member states, as well as aspiring ones; early 'democratising' states and new post-communist regimes; states undergoing liberalizing economic reforms, partially inspired by external forces, whilst coping with their own embedded nationalisms; and states obliged to respond to new and recurring issues of security, identity, well-being, social integration, faith and secularization.This series examines issues of inheritance and adaptation. The disciplinary reach incorporates politics and international relations, modern history, economics and political economy and sociology. It links the study of South-East Europe across a number of social sciences to European issues of democratization and economic reform in the post-transition age. It addresses ideas as well as institutions, policies as well as processes. It will include studies of the domestic and foreign policies of single states, relations between states and peoples in the region, and between the region and beyond. The EU is an obvious reference point for current research on South-East Europe, but this series also highlights the importance of South-East Europe in its eastern context: the Caucuses, the Black Sea and the Middle East.

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A Legal Geography of Yugoslavia's Disintegration

Cited by 43 publications

References 0 publications

Youthful victimization in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina: A multi-level analysis of a national sample

Youthful victimization in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina: A multi-level analysis of a national sample

Religious and ethnic context of the Serbian strategic culture

Political Elites and Decentralization Reforms in the Post-Socialist Balkans

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