A Fixed Hierarchy for Wolof Verbal Affixes

Buell, Leston; Sy, Mariame

doi:10.3765/bls.v31i2.816

Cited by 3 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…Once the base order is established, we get a way of understanding the movement mechanism that derives the surface order. I will show below that, given some of the attested base orders, the PF form derives by phrasal movement (for related analyses, see Cinque and Abels & Neeleman for [re]orderings in the NP; Buell & Sy for affix ordering in Wolof; Koopman for affix ordering in Korean [and Japanese]; Koopman & Szabolcsi for verbal clustering; and Aboh for reorderings with adverbs in Malagasy).…”

Section: The Derivationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…One is that the verbal complex is formed outside syntax in the morphology (Hyman ). The other option is that the verbal complex is formed from some syntactic hierarchy via head movement (Baker ) or phrasal movement (see Cinque , for multiplex auxiliaries; Koopman & Szabolsci for verbal clusters in Hungarian and Dutch inflectional morphology; Aboh for multiple particles in Gungbe; Cinque and Abels & Neeleman for multiple nominal modifiers; Julien , Buell & Sy , Koopman , and Muriungi for multiple affixation).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Phrasal Movement in the Bantu Verbal Complex: Deriving Affix Scope and Order in Kîîtharaka

Muriungi

2013

Syntax

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This paper investigates multiple suffixation in Kîîtharaka, an SVO Bantu language spoken in Kenya (code E54 in the Guthrie classification). Assuming as a starting point that semantic scopes are encoded in syntax such that if an affix A scopes over an affix B, A asymmetrically c‐commands B, this paper argues that linearization from the base semantic scope to the phonological form is easily derived by phrasal movement. The novelty in the paper is the presentation and discussion of semantic scopes between suffixes and the overt assumption that scopes are encoded in the syntax. Furthermore, this paper breaks from the Bantu tradition of examining the scopes between argument‐related suffixes such as the causative, applicative, reciprocal and passive, and goes further to include aspectual morphemes such as the perfective and the habitual and adverbial‐like suffixes such as the erratic. This paper shows that the verbal complex containing argument‐related, aspectual, and adverbial‐like suffixes arises from the syntactic hierarchy determined by scope via restricted phrasal movement.

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Section: The Derivationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phrasal Movement in the Bantu Verbal Complex: Deriving Affix Scope and Order in Kîîtharaka

Muriungi

2013

Syntax

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“…14 As shown in Section 3.2, Latin does have some verb forms that appear to disobey the MG, but that is an illusion caused by the fact that all the verb forms are derived in part by a step of phrasal (vP) movement. Phrasal movement, being subject to less strict locality constraints than head movement, 15 can give rise to superficially anti-mirroring morpheme orders, a conclusion also arrived at on independent grounds by Buell (2005); Buell & Sy (2005); Koopman (2005); Muriungi (2008); Buell, Torrence & Sy (2014); Cinque (2014); and Myler (2017).…”

Section: Interim Summary and Theoretical Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 85%

“…Instead, phonological words are autonomously assembled by the prosody from syntactic terminals, on the basis of phonological properties of the exponents of those terminals-e.g., some exponents are inherently phonologically dependent and therefore simply lean (left or right) in the prosody. A consequence of this view is that phonological words can be assembled from collections of morphemes that are linearly adjacent but suspended across large regions of syntactic space-and, in fact, phonological words need not always correspond to syntactic constituents, as is argued on independent grounds by Julien (2002); Buell (2005); Buell & Sy (2005); Koopman (2005); Muriungi (2008); Buell, Sy & Torrence (2014); Cinque (2014); Kayne (2017); Myler (2017); Kim (to appear); and references cited in those works; see also Halle & Marantz (1993) and much related work in Distributed Morphology.…”

Section: Interim Summary and Theoretical Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

XP- and X<sup>0</sup>-movement in the Latin verb: Evidence from mirroring and anti-mirroring

Zyman

Kalivoda

2020

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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Latin verbs appear to both obey and disobey the Mirror Generalization (Baker 1985), albeit in different inflectional forms (Cinque 1999). Given the importance of the Mirror Generalization to morphosyntactic theorizing, this situation deserves scrutiny. We develop an analysis on which all Latin finite verbs, whether mirroring or anti-mirroring, share a single, simple, virtually invariant derivation, involving one step of head movement (Asp to T) and one step of phrasal movement (vP to [Spec,TP]). On this analysis, the Mirror Generalization is valid for Latin, despite appearances, but it is crucially about structures formed by operations on heads: phrasal movement can give rise to apparent violations of it (Myler 2017). The analysis extends readily to nonfinite forms, solving an anti-mirroring paradox arising among the participles. It also makes correct syntactic predictions. When the verb word is a constituent, it is a TP, and the analysis correctly predicts that it should move as a phrase, not as a head. The analysis also makes correct predictions about the positions of vP-adjuncts, and is fully compatible with what is known about leftward argument movement out of vP. Finally, unlike two competing analyses (Embick 2000; Calabrese 2019), it accounts for anti-mirroring in Latin without any stipulations placing passive Voice in an unexpectedly peripheral position within the verb word. The larger picture that emerges is one in which phonological words need not correspond to syntactic constituents, but can instead be reflexes of linearly contiguous series of morphemes suspended across potentially vast regions of syntactic space (Julien 2002).

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“…This approach could be used regardless of which of the two representations in (54) is adopted. Alternatively, under the movement analysis, the immediately postverbal property can be accounted for using a complexity filter (Koopman and Szabolcsi, 2000;Buell and Sy, 2005). The idea is that a head can specify the maximum degree of complexity or heaviness of its (overt) specifier.…”

Section: Sharpening the Analysis Of Nganimentioning

confidence: 99%