Do women's attitudes towards abortion and contraceptive methods influence their option for sterilization?

Abstract

This paper analyzes the attitudes of low-income women towards abortion and contraception. A survey was conducted in 1992 with a total of 3,149 childbearing-age women living on the outskirts of the Greater Metropolitan São Paulo Area. The study focuses on a sub-sample of 583 women. Attitudes of sterilized and non-sterilized women are compared. Women, especially those sterilized, found the most important attribute of a contraceptive method to be its effectiveness. Women currently taking the pill were less likely than those sterilized to agree that sterilization was the best method because of its effectiveness. Sterilized women were less likely than non-sterilized women to trust the pill. Sterilized women were more likely than non-sterilized to have reported adverse effects from the pill. Most women found abortion unacceptable except in the case of risk to the woman's life. Women using more effective methods showed stronger negative attitudes towards abortion. The tendency to be sterilized while still young was associated with more negative attitudes towards abortion. Family planning activities in basic health care services should include individual counseling for contraceptive use.

Fatores de risco e preditores para o aborto induzido: estudo de base populacional

“…As mulheres com relato de aborto tinham feito mais esterilização, não queriam mais filhos, tiveram problemas com algum método contraceptivo e em média conheciam mais métodos contraceptivos do que as mulheres que não abortaram. A possibilidade de esterilização é relacionada ao uso anterior de métodos contraceptivos, particularmente as falhas e efeitos adversos dos métodos 21 . O aborto foi menos prevalente em mulheres católicas.…”

Lia Won't: Agency in the Retrospective Pregnancy Narratives of Low‐Income Brazilian Women

“…Approximately one‐fourth of these occur with adolescents (Bailey et al 2003:72); one‐third with women aged 20–24 (Bott 2001). For many, the experience is structured by social censure (Nations et al 1997; Vieira 1999a) and poverty as well as illegality (Kerber 2001). Recalling Ginsburg (1989) and Rapp (1999), who considered decisions over pregnancy termination in the U.S. society, one might ask: how do Brazilian women represent their sterilization and abortion experiences in a context of illegality, danger, and censure?…”

“…The context of illegal, quasi‐illegal, unregulated fertility controls must be seen in view of a fairly unitary and opposing position among adult Brazilian women themselves, who “have been entirely unambiguous about the need for access to the means of control”—since the 1960s (Giffin 1994:357). Quantitative and qualitative research consistently finds that women across Brazil “choose” and are “satisfied” with sterilization because, unlike oral contraception, it is seen as completely effective and without side effects (Osis et al 1999; Vieira 1999a; Dalsgaard 2004; de Bessa 2006; but see Osis et al 2003). Brazilian women have long been clear about wanting to control and limit the number of children they have (Janowitz et al 1982; Diniz et al 1998; Potter et al 2003).…”

“…Public health research consistently finds oral contraception and sterilization to be Brazil's main forms of birth control (Alvarenga and Schor 1998;Vieira 1999a). Why the limited selection?…”

“…Demographic analyses found different rates of sterilization by education level but also noted that, among popular classes, the rates were similar among white women and women of color (Corossacz 2004:51 ff, citing Berquó ). 5 Repercussions from the commission's inquiry, along with research showing sterilization regret among a minority of women and higher rates of sterilization among young women with multiple pregnancies and whose first pregnancy occurred at a young age (Hardy et al 1998;Berquó 1999;Vieira 1999a;Corrêa and Á vila 2003;Osis et al 2003), were part of what led to monitored, legal sterilization in 1997. The new law allows sterilization, provided the male or female is competent, at least 25 years old or has two children, and, if married, has spousal consent.…”