Nacionalismo econômico e desenvolvimentismo

Bresser-Pereira, Luiz Carlos

doi:10.1590/1982-3533.2018v27n3art06

Cited by 6 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…The argument most used by the Americans in their foreign affairs—their interest in reducing the trade deficit (Drezner, 2006)—is not used by Brazil as a significant bargaining chip. It is not that we are ignoring the fact that economic theory exhaustively discusses the role of foreign affairs and that the balance of trade is not the only factor (Kindleberger, 1989; Cohen, 2014; Bresser Pereira, 2018). Others include investment, technology, quality of exchanges, insertion in production chains, exchange rate, educational level, technological development, allocation of resources, military power, cultural hegemony, transportation, etc.…”

Section: The Bilateral Agenda: Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Bolsonaro’s Subservience to Trump, 2019 and 2020: A Demanding Agenda and Limited Reciprocity

Thomaz¹,

Vigevani²

2023

Latin American Perspectives

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In the relationship between Brazil and the United States during the Bolsonaro and Trump administrations (2019 and 2020), Brazil advanced a demanding agenda that met with limited reciprocity. John Kingdon’s concept of the policy window is useful for explaining that the two presidents, having similar worldviews, saw the possibility of moving forward with this agenda, but Brazil’s subservient position ended up compromising its bargaining position. In the case of the commercial aspects of the Alcântara technological safeguards agreement, Brazil’s unilateral concessions failed to generate concrete results before this window was closed and even set the country on the path toward becoming an international pariah. O governo brasileiro promoveu uma agenda ambiciosa que facilitou pouca reciprocidade na relação entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos durante os governos Bolsonaro e Trump (2019 e 2020). O conceito de John Kingdon do policy window é útil para explicar o fato que ambos os presidentes, além de partilhar visões semelhantes do mundo, viram a possibilidade de avançarem esta agenda. Contudo, a posição submissa do Brasil acabou em comprometer sua posição negocial. No caso dos aspectos comerciais do acordo das salvagardas tecnológicas da Alcântara, o Brasil deixou passar essa oportunidade porque as concessões unilaterais do governo brasileiro falharam em produzir resultados concretos e, ademais, colocou o país no caminho de se tornar um paria internacional.

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Section: The Bilateral Agenda: Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Bolsonaro’s Subservience to Trump, 2019 and 2020: A Demanding Agenda and Limited Reciprocity

Thomaz¹,

Vigevani²

2023

Latin American Perspectives

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“…Sovereignty—understood as an appeal to the nation in opposition to supranational institutions or foreign countries (Basile & Mazzoleni, 2020)—is a crucial element in Brazilian nationalist discourse. Between 1945 and 1964, it was associated with political elites and left‐wing groups, who considered the ‘critique towards modern imperialism, Western or Northern’, to be fundamental (Bresser‐Pereira, 2018, p. 865). From the 1990s onwards, governments abandoned this viewpoint and foreign policy, especially under President Lula's administration, and began to employ multilateral strategies to promote national interests (Bernal‐Meza, 2010).…”

Section: Populism and Nationalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Connections between populism and nationalism: Evidence from Jair Bolsonaro's speeches

Ricci

Venturelli²

2023

Nations and Nationalism

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Recent studies have warned about the close relationship between populism and nationalism. This article offers an empirical contribution to the examination of this relationship by analysing the presence of populist and nationalist elements in the official speeches of the outgoing Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro. We make two contributions to this expanding literature. First, we show that the supposed ambiguity between populism and nationalism can be resolved by an approach that clearly separates the two concepts. Second, we find that Bolsonaro is more populist than nationalist. His populism has elements in common with other European populist leaders (attacking political parties and the political class), but he distances himself from them by presenting authoritarian traits. Nativism is completely absent (unlike in Europe), but ‘sovereignism’ (‘us’ vs. ‘other nations or institutions’) and ‘civilisationism’ (‘us’ vs. ‘minorities’) sometimes overlap with populism. We conclude that a tension exists between populism and nationalism that can endanger the ‘good’ relationship between the populist leader and their supporters. This is something that future research on populism should consider.

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“…Bresser-Pereira (2019b: 853) defines economic nationalism as “an ideology that emerged with the formation of nation-states and only gained substance in the nineteenth century” and that presupposes “the existence of a nation able to form a coalition of nationalist and developmentalist classes and specify a national development project” (856). Nationalism assumes a society in which citizens share the conviction that the state and government should further the interests of national labor and capital—in other words, foster the nation’s economic development by its own means.…”

Section: Nationalism Neoliberalism and Populismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nationalism, Economic Liberalism, and Populism in the Bolsonaro Government

de Paula,

Machado,

Cannone

2023

Latin American Perspectives

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Given the neoliberal agenda implemented by Paulo Guedes’s Ministry of the Economy, the Bolsonaro government’s nationalist stance has prompted academic debates over its rationales. Once the populist and conservative foundations of that nationalism are understood, however, there is no contradiction between it and Bolsonaro’s economic policy. La agenda neoliberal implementada por el Ministerio de Economía de Paulo Guedes aparentemente cuestiona la postura nacionalista del gobierno de Bolsonaro y ha provocado debates académicos en torno a sus razones fundamentales. Sin embargo, una vez que se entienden las razones populistas y el conservatismo detrás de dicho nacionalismo, no hay contradicción entre estas y la política económica de Bolsonaro.

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Nacionalismo econômico e desenvolvimentismo

Cited by 6 publications

References 5 publications

Bolsonaro’s Subservience to Trump, 2019 and 2020: A Demanding Agenda and Limited Reciprocity

Bolsonaro’s Subservience to Trump, 2019 and 2020: A Demanding Agenda and Limited Reciprocity

Connections between populism and nationalism: Evidence from Jair Bolsonaro's speeches

Nationalism, Economic Liberalism, and Populism in the Bolsonaro Government

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