“Terreiro politics” against religious racism and “christofascist” politics

Abstract

The present article discusses the processes of political and social mobilization of the Afro-religious in the face of the religious racism and “christofascist” politics deployed by groups with an Evangelical-Pentecostal profile. Based on ethnographic research conducted since 2008 in Rio de Janeiro, Brasília, Aracaju and Maceió, the article analyzes how these mobilization strategies are constituted in a modality of “terreiro politics” as a means of “doing politics”, delimiting public identities, and debating accusations of increased and growing symbolic and concrete violations of Afro-based religions. The article also discusses how the categories intolerance, racism and genocide are part of a civic grammar that seeks to charge the State - most particularly the police and the judiciary - and push it to guarantee of rights in face the face of growing religious extremism characterized by narratives and actions aimed at building political agendas fueled by religious dogmas (“christofascism”), which result in violent acts against afroreligious terreiros.

Terreiros Under Attack? Criminal Governance in the Name of God and Armed Dominion Disputes over Control in Rio de Janeiro

“…-Rio de Janeiro -Edição Especial n o 4 -2022 -pp. 651-682 MIRANDA, CÔRREA and ALMEIDA, 2019;MIRANDA, 2020). Since 2006 4 , the media began to identify the persecution of the povo de santo (people-of-saint) by "evangelical traffickers" 5 6 , which characterized another type of conflict, distinct from the discriminations that, to some extent, are perceived by society as a mere effect of historical State persecution of Umbanda and Candomblé terreiros (VELASCO, 2018;MAGGIE, 1992).…”

“…The expansion of armed groups composed not only of "evangelical traffickers" (VITAL DA CUNHA, 2008), but also "milicrentes" (MIRANDA, 2020), whose exercise of government has incorporated the expulsion and/or destruction of terreiros in territories under their armed dominion as a demonstration of force and authority inside and outside those territories, became the keynote of the news that highlight the aggressions, and one dimension of the consequences, namely, the process of subjugation through the attempt of forced conversion and the public expression of its acceptance. The violations therefore function as a kind of propaganda, characterized by focusing on the persecution of religious people of African matrixes.…”

“…In 2006, the Folha de S. Paulo published the first report stating that drug traffickers were closing off terreiros in Rio de Janeiro favelas(MONKEN, 04/02/2006).5 The rejection of this expression in religious circles allied to RonaldoAlmeida's criticism (2017) regarding the need for an empirical perspective on the diversity of contemporary Brazilian religious manifestations led us to opt for the expression "people with an evangelical-Pentecostal profile" when referring to a collective identificationMIRANDA, 2020). The terms "evangelical trafficker", "trafficker", "milicrente" and "traficrente" will be used here as native categories.…”

“…In terms of order of discourse, these symbolic maneuvers are presented as synthetic and functional descriptors that condense relations between State agents, criminals and religious actors, and thus indicate illegal forms of territorial control, population management and regulation of illicit markets in public spaces.6 NT -The option for the term "drug traffickers" instead of "drug dealers" is not a simple matter of formality and does not indicate the difference between a less dangerous criminal and a powerful one. The concept of armed dominance, as it will be developed in the article, interlinks all the traffickers involved in the commerce of drugs, kitchen gas, internet, transportation and other services, encompassing all the members under the same authority network.7 Referring to the reach of the media, political and business power of "faith holdings" (ALMEIDA, 2019).8 In another article,Miranda (2020) analyses how the emergence of the category "religious racism" attempts to describe violence directed only at Afro-religions as a specific feature of ethnic-racial discrimination, identified as a result of social movements. Since this is a controversial issue in the field, we chose to use the term "religious intolerance" only because it is more widespread among religious people.9 The right to religious support in penal policies was for a long time offered only by agents of the Catholic Church.…”

Terreiros sob ataque? A governança criminal em nome de Deus e as disputas do domínio armado no Rio de Janeiro

“…O uso da expressão "de matriz africana" visa enfatizar as centenas de povos africanos que originaram as tradições, práticas, memórias e religiosidades afro-brasileiras, para além da ideia hegemônica de representá-las a partir das categorias Bantu, Jeje e Yorubá/Nagô (ALMEIDA, 2019).3 Em 2006, a Folha de S. Paulo publicou a primeira reportagem afirmando que os traficantes estavam fechando terreiros em favelas da cidade do Rio de Janeiro(MONKEN, 04/02/2006).4 A rejeição que a expressão enfrenta nos meios religiosos e a crítica de Ronaldo Almeida (2017) sobre a necessidade de um recorte empírico que privilegie a diversidade da religiosidade contemporânea brasileira nos fez optar pelo uso da expressão "pessoas de perfil evangélico-pentecostal" quando nos referirmos a uma identificação coletivaMIRANDA, 2020). Os termos "traficante evangélico", "traficante", "milicrente" e "traficrente" serão utilizados aqui como categorias nativas.…”