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The present study adds novel knowledge to the literature on emotional contagion (EC), discrete emotions, job burnout, and the management of healthcare professionals by simultaneously considering EC as both a job demand and a job resource with multiple social pathways. Integrating EC into the job demands-resource model, we develop and test a conceptual model wherein multiple stakeholder sources of emotional exchanges (i.e., leaders, colleagues, patients) play a differential role in predicting caregivers' absorption of positive (i.e., joy) and negative (i.e., anger) emotions, and in turn, burnout. We tested this nomological network using structural equation modeling and invariance analyses on a sample of 252 nurses and 102 doctors from diverse healthcare wards in three Italian hospitals. Our findings show that not all emotional exchange sources contribute to the EC experience or likelihood of burnout. Specifically, we found that doctors absorbed joy and anger from their colleagues but not from their leaders or patients. In contrast, nurses absorbed joy and anger from leaders, colleagues, and patients. Surprisingly, we found that joy-absorbed and anger-absorbed were related to doctors' exhaustion and cynicism, but only to nurses' cynicism. We conclude with suggestions for advancing research and practice in the management of emotions for preventing burnout.

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Although the problem of accident under-reporting is increasingly recognized in the literature, less is known regarding work environment variables that predict the severity of such under-reporting. Data on perceived job insecurity and on the numbers of both accidents that were experienced and accidents that were actually reported over a period of one year were obtained from 786 employees in 24 US organizations and 563 employees in 20 Italian organizations in sectors where safety is highly relevant. Analysis of these data suggested that not only is job insecurity related to the likelihood of experiencing an accident, but also perceptions of job insecurity may serve to inhibit the reporting of accidents to appropriate company officials. Overall, the rate of accidents was lower in Italy than the United States. Moreover, in both countries, when job insecurity was low, there was little difference between the total number of experienced accidents and the number that employees reported. However, as job insecurity increased, the under-reporting of accidents increased. The implications of these results are discussed in light of the globally increasing prevalence of job insecurity in today's workplace